Members of the parliament (UK) Meets with Somaliland Parliament

Members of the parliament (UK) Meets with Somaliland Parliament
Jan 26 2004



Jan 26 2004 Hargeysa, (Somaliland Net) - Tory worththinton ( a member of conservative party), We are here because we wish to show solidarity Somaliland to fight against poverty. Of course we have not forgotten the relationship between us (UK) and Somaliland.

We never did forgotten the fight against the fascists that we fought along each other, many Somali Scots fought for free world during the world war two, we recall that way Somaliland received Independence from British, which means your boundaries are known internationally, for example here is a stamp of the king that shows the map of S/Land.

Over the last two days we have reminded your history and early independence in 1991. We saw the ruins that the war left. We saw the tragedies that you went through the war against you, the planes that were bombing civilians, the mass graves and the abuse of the human rights. Over the last two days we saw the difficult time that you had. We also so the achievement people of Somaliland have made it, almost without any assistance from the international community. You will be confident that we will report this to our government. We are committee that committed developing outside world. We will implement an extended support to this nation.

Your elections were very successful, what is left is the parliamentary election. A parliament based on political parties. I have no doubt that the international community will recognize your fine election.


Posted by M Ghalib, Somaliland Net.
Email: news@somalilandnet.com
Reporter: Muna Mahmoud, Hargeysa, Somaliland

SIRAG ARCHIVE

SOMALILAND - THE COUNTRY THAT ISN'T! - The South African Institute of International Affairs

The South African Institute of International Affairs
South Africa’s Window on the World

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THE WITWATERSRAND BRANCH

Cordially invites you to a Speaker's Meeting to be addressed by

MIKE JOHNSTONE

on

SOMALILAND - THE COUNTRY THAT ISN'T!

Mike Johnstone, runs a Johannesburg-based specialist travel company, Ubuntu Safaris, travels extensively in Africa, is a regular visitor to Somaliland, and for all intents and purposes has become an expert on the subject. He will touch on the country's long history and Islamic tradition and outline the developments that led to it breaking away from war-ravaged Somalia in the south 14 years ago. Somaliland currently has its own president, parliament, currency, flag, passport and universities, but officially does not exist. It's remembered as the African country with the briefest independence - five days between its independence from Britain in 1960 to its 'union' with Somalia in what came to be known as Somalia. The 'union', however, proved a disaster and collapsed in 1990. Somalia, meanwhile, was hit by severe drought and widespread starvation, compounded by chaotic political conditions and warring armed factions. An estimated 50 000 people were killed in the years 1988 to 1990, followed by a further 300 000 during 1991 and 1992. Hundreds of thousands also fled to Ethiopia. In contrast today, Somaliland boasts law and order and a potential to survive; Somalia, still retaining the name of 'Somalia', limps along as a stateless and increasingly dismembered society. Several Somaliland students, incidentally, attend South African universities.

	Date:		Tuesday 24th February, 2004
	Time:		17h30 for 17h45 to conclude at 19h00
	Venue:		Jan Smuts House, East Campus, Wits University
	RSVP:		Mrs Katy de Villiers
			Tel: (011) 339 2021
			Fax: (011) 339 2154
			Email: devilliersk@saiia.wits.ac.za

Should you have friends or colleagues who may be interested in joining the Branch, consider inviting them to the aforementioned meeting.

LEON KOK
ChairmaN

SIRAG ARCHIVE

THE FORMATION OF THE SOMALI NATIONAL MOVEMENT SNM By ANIIS ABDILLAHI ESSA

TARIIKH LAMA ILAWAAN DHEH :
THE FORMATION OF THE SOMALI NATIONAL MOVEMENT
S N M

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The formation of the Somali National Movement ( SNM ) was sparked by that general mass discontent with Siad Barre's Regime. The initiative was made by members of the Isaac Communities outside the country particularly in the United Kingdom and the Middle East, who were free from the intimidation and repression of the regime. In late 1978 and early 1979 mobilizations intended to upgrade the consciousness of the Somali people started within the country. Committees comprising of elders or community leaders, officers, intellectuals, business people, students, youth and civil servants started underground campaigns in an effort to educate the people against the evils of the Siad Barre's regime.

At this stage in the SNM history Siyad has openly engaged in divisive and sectarian clan politics to discredit and lobby for caesura of that internal mobilization. He has created bandits who were armed by the government and were in the military payroll to destroy total communities to instill harassment and intimidation in those communities. During 1979 to 1980 hundreds of people, mostly women and children were massacred around Gabiley, Wajale, and Allay Baday areas.

The opposition from within and from without the country had contacts and a smooth follow of communication for quite a considerable time. On April 6, 1981 the Somali National Movement ( SNM ) was officially proclaimed as an opposition organization in London, UK. In November 1981 the residents of hargeyisa initiated self-help programs intended to upgrade the educational and health facilities of their community. 38 young professionals, intellectuals, and businessmen who were the leading organizers of the community project were imprisoned, some of them tortured. In February 1982 they received sentences ranging from two years to life. As a result, the first anti-government riots broke out in Hargiesa and Burao, and Sheikh Secondary Students in Sheikh. This marked the first head-on confrontation between the public and the regime. Barre who had never experienced open public unrest was caught by surprise. Consequently, he started a Hitler-like repression comprising of detentions, tortures, and execution.

Almost a year after the formation of SNM in London the internal wing of the SNM took a historic and daring move. A decision was made to establish the movement in Ethiopia. In February 1982 prominent high-ranking military officers and other government officials started deserting the regime. A week after the execution of Colonel Abdillahi Haji Saeed in Howad Near Burao by the regime's man (Gani " one day he will pay the price on the hard way), the first such officers crossed the border. Among them were Colonel Adan Sheikh Mohamed ( shiine ) "PBOH", Colonel Ahmed Dahir ( Dhagax ) " PBOH", and Colonel Mohamed Kahin Ahmed.

With the acceptance of the Ethiopia government the SNM Executive Committee, therefore moved from London to the Somali populated areas in Ethiopia in order to keep the movement close to home. They started setting up offices and training camps. within very short period of time groups of military officers, soldiers, intellectuals, businessmen, and students crossed the border and joined the movement. Area nomads and villagers also joined and signed up for their training programs. Surprisingly the SNM started attacks against the regime almost immediately. In those attacks the SNM has inflicted great damages on Faqashi's troops. They also confiscated combat as well as transport vehicles, arms ammunition and communication equipments.

Following those successful attacks the SNM established more then 10 bases in the North, Central and southern border areas within a year. The SNM, therefore, got engaged in highly sophisticated operations of national and international significance. In January 1983 the SNM forces fulfilled a major operation at Mandhera Maximum Security Prison. In the operation the SNM liberated hundreds of political prisoners. They also killed more than 130 soldiers from the Mandhera and Adadley garrisons. In a retaliatory move the regime executed 55 civilians in Adadley, Mandhera, and Go'a area. More then one thousand were detained by the regime's military and NSS.

On April 12, 1983, in a spectacular rescue mission, the SNM forces freed Colonel Abdillahi Askar from the highly fortified prison of the 26th sector of the Somali army. He was caught in Hargeisa by the security forces while fulfilling a secret mission with the SNM internal wing. Colonel Abdillahi Askar who was savagely tortured with candles and cigarettes was to be executed the day following the evening he was rescued. When Siad Barre realized the threat that the SNM poses to his dictatorial regime and the popular support it enjoys both in and outside the country, he " Afweyne" started to fight with the SNM and its supporters ferociously. Those who lived under his jurisdiction were those who were hit hard. They have suffered:

Indiscriminate detentions, imprisonment, and massacres. Looting and constant confiscations of private properties. Total blockade of food and fuel supplies. Denial of access to water supplies during the dry seasons. Destruction or poisoning of water reservoirs and watering wells Burning down of entire villages and communities Children killed and women raped.

Other communities who live in the areas where the SNM activities are prevalent have experienced a similar but a different kind of warfare. Afweyne Barre disguised some of his regular troops as marauding bandits licensed to plunder and exterminate both human lives and their livestock. The concerned communities with the assistance of the SNM responded to Afweyne's barbarous raids by not only defending themselves but by also making counter attacks against the combined Afweyne forces. In these counter attacks Afweyne's Troops suffered a severe damage. The following is an estimated damage that was inflicted on the Afweyne Troops:

In Mahollin area, south of Gashamo, the regime lost more than 450 soldiers in 1982 and 1984. The area residents captured military documents, communication equipments, small arms and ammunition. In Xaye and Qararo area it lost more than 350 including 3 officers. The area residents seized two jeeps, and armored personnel carrier ( APC ) and three army trucks. IN Aware area Afweyne troops suffered 250 casualties in 1984 they also left behind various military equipments.

It is extremely important to mention here that the SNM has prevented a genocide that was in the making. If the regime and its organization bandits were not checked by the forces of the area communities supported by the SNM, It is a historical fact that large portions of the Somali people would have been eliminated from the face of the earth. The capability of the Barre troops was greatly severed in the above-mentioned operations. The SNM on its part continued to wage constant attacks on Afweyne's troops inside the country and forced them to opt for a defensive strategy. A Foreign correspondent describing the situation of the Afweyne armed forces in March 1984 wrote, " The Somali army did not perform to any standard. The inefficiency of the Somali armed forces is legendary among foreign military experts. Last month Somalia shot down one of its own nine functioning aircrafts. Military officials in Somalia have grown disgusted with the performance of the Somali army and its inability to keep anything working".

On the other hand SNM has been growing a gaining momentum day after day. At this stage in the struggle of the SNM to liberate the country, Afweyne Barre has desperately pulled some embarrassing tricks in an attempt to weekend the position of the SNM. The following will be the different political games played by Afweyne Barre to strengthen his position against the MUJAAHIDIIN SNM.

More will be updated soon Insha'Allah......

ANIIS ABDILLAHI ESSA
WASHINGTON DC USA
ANIIS@YAHOO.COM

SIRAG ARCHIVE

“The Butchers of Majertenia, Hargeisa Politically isolated” By O .M. Nur

“The Butchers of Majertenia, Hargeisa Politically isolated”
By O .M. Nur {OJ}, Toronto, Canada

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On January 29 the Somalian leaders reached what is described as the best agreement on Somalia’s reconciliation so far, in Nairobi, Kenya, but The Butchers of Majertenia and Hargeisa, Abdullahi Yusuf and Morgan, are isolated in the process. They have a common enemy to teach a lesson to. Both disregarded the agreement after they have agreed to it. The reason is not based on Somalian interest. It is the personal ambition of Abdullahi Yusuf and of Morgan to seek revenge through the top offices of Somalia.
.
According to article 30 of the already signed Charter, the faction leaders are to nominate the transitional members of Parliament from their clans. The traditional leaders are to ratify the selected to make sure that each sub clan gets its fair representation.

However, Abdullahi is looking forward to his position in the new government. He doesn’t intend to allow any one other than him to nominate the” Darod” parliamentarians. His aim is to make sure that he gets the position of a president or a Prime minister before any vote for the positions for these take place. He is a hardheaded dictator who doesn’t believe in democracy, so he doesn’t trust voting. His law is the law of jungle where the mighty rules.

Bihi of Gedo, Barre Hirale and Jees of the Lower Juppa, Jama Ali Jama of the North Eastern Region, Hassan Abshir of Garowe Region, Mohamed Yusuf and Abdullahi Yusuf of Mudug Region are all in the new leaders committee and all belong to the same Darod clan of Somalia who will nominate their portion of parliamentarians. Normally, every one should be able to nominate his share from his sub-sub-clan and seek ratification from his sub-sub clan’s traditional leaders. Abdullahi doesn’t want things to happen that way that and lose his bid for the eagerly awaited positions. He believes to have politically barred the above-mentioned Darod leaders from the leader’s committee and defeated them in the battlefiel. “There must not be a comeback through the TNG and The National Salvation Group and must not share power with him.” He believes.

Both Abdullahi and Morgan are seeking revenge for what Siyad Barre and later Barre Hiiraale have done to them. Abdullahi says, “The real war in Somalia is not between Hawiye and Darod, but between Marehan and Majertens. It is true and Marehan leaders are well aware of his position. It is why Barre Hirale allied himself with USC and why there is no Marehan member in the SRRC, which is dominated by Abdullahi Yusuf and Morgan. They chose to be in alliance with the Arta Group (The TNG) and with the National Salvation Group. The Marehan, through their allieis are trying hard to deter any attempt by Abdullahi Yusuf or Morgan to get a position of leadership in Somalia. On the other hand Abdullahi and Morgan are trying to whisk away the other Darod members in the leaders committee by all means. The Marehan now believe that tribal extermination is not for them and would prefer a more logical moderate Majertens leader instead, if they should get one of the top two leadership positions. They maintain that Marehan is not at war with the Majertens and are working hard for the protection of their lives from Abdullahi and Morgan. Hawiye are striving to get Somalia’s leadership. When they get it, they will forget whatever Siyad has done to anyone. Marehans called the Isaqs “ Gob jabtay” in return they will be called “Gob ay la rogmatey.” When Isaqs get away with the assertion of the annexed independence of Somaliland, they will forgive Somalia and extend a brotherly hand to the Marehans. In return Marehan, of all Somalis, will distinguish themselves as the staunchest supporters of Somaliland, of course after an inclusive government is formed in Somalia and the dust settles. That is safe and a small price to pay! The Hawiye can rule Somalia without the Isaqs and in cooperation with other moderate clans. They must not let their faithful friends, the Marehans, down!

Reported By: Omar Japan Toronto,Canada
Email: omarn692@sympatico.ca

SIRAG ARCHIVE

Abdillahi Yusuf Allies Himself With Abdiqasim Salad Hasan

Abdillahi Yusuf Allies Himself With Abdiqasim Salad Hasan

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Somaliland Times, Issue 106 Feb.2-8, 2004

NAIROBI--(SL Times) In the ever shifting alliances between the various southern warlords, Puntlands Abdillahi Yusuf has now allied himself with Abdiqasim Salad Hasan, former president of the transitional government, better known as the Arta Faction, sources close to the Nairobi peace talks on Somalia said.

The new alliance between the two faction leaders was reportedly forged earlier this month following Abdiqasim Salad Hasan's return to the peace talks. Since the peace negotiations began in Oct 2002, each of the two faction leaders has tried hard to steer the course of the talks in a way that would be favorable to his own political agenda. The two men competed against each other to wield as much support as possible from the delegates, with each wanting to boost his chances for winning Somalia's presidency. However, neither of the two men succeeded in emerging as a winner.

The sign of rapprochement between Abdillahi Yusuf and Abdiqasim Salad Hasan first emerged after the two held a series of extensive face-to-face talks at Nairobi in the last 2 weeks, it was reported. According to sources close to the meetings, Abdillahi Yusuf surprised Abdiqasim Salad by showering him with highly conciliatory gestures and offering support for the Arta Faction leaders re-election as Somalia's president.

Abdiqasim Salad Hasan has reportedly pledged to appoint Abdillahi Yusuf as his premier provided the latter distances himself from Ethiopia. The anti-Ethiopian propaganda emanating from Puntland controlled media, particularly the Las-Anod FM radio station, since last week, has been cited by observers as an indication of Abdillahi Yusuf's compliance with Salad's demand. In addition to Abdiilahi Yusuf's lust for power in a future government for Italian Somalia, he is also displeased by Ethiopia's opposition to his invasion of Somaliland's Sool region. Abdillahi Yusuf's associates in Bosaso have recently castigated the Ethiopians for not being cognizant of the real situation in the region. These comments were issued on the heels of an Ethiopian delegation's visit to Majerteenya (Puntland).

The Ethiopian delegation was headed by the commander of Harargey, Gen. Gabre Makanan. Warlord Abdillahi Yusuf's spokesman, Mr. Ismaaciil X. Xasan said in an interview that they were upset with the stand that the Ethiopians took with regard to the conflict between Puntland and Somaliland. The spokesman said the Ethiopians insisted that colonial boundaries should be respected.

To return the favor, Abdiqasim Salad Hasan has accepted to support Abdillahi Yusuf's claims on Sool and Sanag. In a BBC interview broadcast yesterday, Abdiqasim Salad Hasan suggested that the number one priority of the future government of Somalia will be the disarmament and demobilization of armed militia men all over Somalia. Abdiqasim Salad Hasan made it clear that Somaliland should be included in any disarmament effort to be initiated by the government to emerge from the Nairobi talks.

SIRAG ARCHIVE

Interview With Prof. Iqbal D. Jhazbhay

Issue 105 Jan.26-Feb.1, 2004
Interview With Prof. Iqbal D. Jhazbhay

The following are excerpts from an interview conducted by the Addis
Ababa-based the Sub-Saharan Informer with the South African Scholar
Prof. Iqbal D. Jhazbhay as published in the newspaper’s issue of Jan
16, 2004

SSI: What are the major implications of recent development in the
political contours of Somaliland?

Prof. Jhazbhay: In analyzing many of the international developments
and notably on the continent of Africa, we can see that within the
Horn of Africa, the future of the African continent is being played
out. It is here in the Horn of Africa that many of the key scenarios
would determine the future of the continent. Let me give you specific
examples; there is now a consensus amongst intellectuals and amongst
policy makers, that the key requisite for development is peace and
stability and what we are looking at is reasonable peace and
stability. So, in the case of Somaliland, we see reasonable peace and
stability has emerged. The question then becomes for the international
community, for intellectuals and policy makers, is that when you have
an area of the world, which is reasonably peaceful and stable that,
then requires that the international community, the intellectuals and
policy makers rise up to that challenge. People have toiled with their
sweat, with their blood, we cannot let down the children of
Somaliland, and neither can we let down the women of Somaliland.
Because our humanity is linked to the humanity of others. By
recognizing their humanity and their efforts, we are genuinely
recognizing the humanity in ourselves. So, I get a firm sense when I
look at South African foreign policy, we see no a creative move to
recognize peace and stability, we see refreshing move to say that one
of the goals of NEPAD is to encourage peace and good governance. If
that is so, it means that principle has to be applied concretely, and
fortunately South Africa has taken that type of approach when you
analyze South African foreign policy, you find president Mbeki’s
Director General for conflict resolution visited Somaliland in January
2003 to listen and to recognize the efforts of the people, the women
and the men who have toiled to bring about peace and stability.
Through their own indigenous conflict resolution methods, this is one
concrete case where the future of humanity is being played out in the
Horn of Africa and by recognizing the efforts of the women, children
and men of Somaliland, we are recognizing our own humanity and we are
giving concrete from to the NEPAD objective of supporting good
governance, peace and stability.

SSI: Why is it taking long for some countries to recognize Somaliland?
Prof. Jhazbhay: In the past, when we turn to the case of Somaliland,
you find that when the British arrived there, they needed Somalis to
guide them through. Now the fact that Somaliland has attained
stability, the irony is that there is a need of foreign interlocutors
to interpret the peace and stability and make it known to the world.
So, you see many well-known scholars, such as Professor Ali Mazrui,
doing so. So, this is the first irony I would have to outline in
unpacking the case of Somaliland. I think the real reason is the fact
that information on Somaliland has not been forthcoming, the flow of
information has been pretty restricted to certain Internet websites
and it has a lot to do with the unenlightened approach at time on
behalf of multilateral institutions. You find initially the UN, the
OAU at the time, had taken a particular type of approach but now there
are some encouraging sights. The AU is showing some positive signs. So
I think, one is the flow of information. Those who have been informed
are coming through very positively now. A good case in point is the
South African media now. There is balanced reporting on Somaliland. A
lot of institutions are reporting on Somaliland, institutions like the
Africa Institute, South African Institute of International Affairs,
the Electoral Institute of Southern Africa… and that has now brought
about a more informed awareness. That has also made the local
constituencies play a much stronger role. The same could be said about
the United States. There has been a steady stream of reporting on
Somaliland. The Washington Post ran a very enhanced article. In the
UK, there have been regular delegations to Somaliland. So I think it
is very much a fifty, fifty situation. More countries now have a more
informed sense and there are also many countries that do not have an
informed sense. Those who do have an informed sense, have taken
positive steps in analyzing the situation in Somaliland. It makes the
point that once again, newspapers like the Sub Saharan Informer, and
other world wide newspapers have a big role of informing world opinion
about the reality in the horn of Africa. The type of balance here is a
non-partisan approach. There is also another reason. There are
powerful blocks, whom I believe don’t have an interest in peace and
stability. Their main concern may not be the waters of the Nile River.
The main concern is democracy. You are familiar; in the Horn of
Africa, there have been some successful experiences in democracy. I
have described Somaliland’s emerging democracy in an article earlier
on. I described it: “as a success story, Somaliland is Africa’s best
kept secret”. And sometimes you find a deliberate attempt to suppress
information because of the emerging democracy. It has had successful
local and presidential elections. Ethiopia is now going to have
democratic elections emerging. The others will have it too. So there
are key blocks in the Horn of Africa, who are afraid of democracy. The
waters of the Nile River is one issue but the “huge threat” is
democracy. So it is in the interest of those who do not have an
interest in democracy to block the emerging democratic movements. I
think there is a consensus amongst key international pro-democracy
movements like the International Crisis Group, which described the
experience of Somaliland as one of the most successful experiments of
democracy in the Horn of Africa. So, to my mind, those are the key
reasons why you see this block of information, a deliberate attempt to
suppress information and democracy.

SSI: In this regard, according to a discussion with Mohamed Hussein
Idid, who clearly told me that it is encouraging, Somaliland is a
stable government but it would be to the whole advantage of Somaliland
and the horn of Africa, if they remain united to Somalia. Do you think
there will be a danger if the international community goes ahead and
recognizes Somaliland?

Prof. Jhazbhay: I subscribe to the view held by Professor Ali Mazrui.
This is a view held by many well-known specialists of the Horn of
Africa. The view is that, when you have a peaceful and reasonably
stable part of the horn of Africa, it should be allowed to grow and
should not be pulled off. The view of Professor Ali Mazrui is that
Somaliland has the resources alone to develop its institutions. One
day when the rest of what was empirically known as Somalia comes back
to shape Somaliland can possibly re-join Somalia. My related remark to
this issue is that the international community has to find a balance
between idealism and realism. The reality on the ground is what was
empirically known as Somalia, does not exist anymore. The related
reality is that 14 peace conferences and a huge amount of effort have
gone into trying to bring the South of Somalia together. In the
efforts of last year, some 9-12 million has been spent in the
reconciliation talks in Nairobi. There does not seem to be much light
at the end of the tunnel. Which suggests that a creative approach has
to come through, which says that half a loaf of bread. That was the
conclusion also of the well-known Professor Ian Louis, doyen of Somali
Studies. That is, to encourage half a loaf. In the future we may have
full one loaf. I think the big question, which I raised earlier, is
what signal are we sending when we do not want to recognize the
efforts of the people towards peace and stability. What message are we
sending when we do not want to recognize the efforts of people towards
good governance? They would say they have done everything possible to
meet the requirements of peace, stability and governance. What more do
they need to do? That’s an answer we have to give them, because it is
the future of the African child. The children in Somaliland, who are
under 20, have no memory of unity with Somalia. I think at the end of
the day Somalis are very keen to maintain contacts and co-operation
but given the fact that Somaliland went through what is known by human
rights organization as a genocidal experience in 1988, where the city
was flattened into rubble. The fact of the matter remains sound. Many
of those leaders who are now on the ground in the south have not come
up with any mechanism to show remorse for what they have done in 1988.
And the feeling on the ground in Hargeisa, you ask the elders in
Somaliland, their view is that they will not and never join the South.
They are willing to cooperate, share experiences and trade. But in
terms of the political experience the wounds are very fresh. It was
captured beautifully by one of the political leaders of Somaliland. He
said, you can see the walls here and you can see the bullet wounds. In
Somaliland, the bullet wounds are not only fresh in their minds but
they are still fresh on the walls. So there are some powerful
arguments, which emerge from the ground. So I can foresee the future
emerging where you would see a lot of NGO cooperation, you would see a
lot of trade cooperation, a lot of sharing of experiences. But clearly
when political unity is raised, the pains of 1988 are too fresh in
peoples’ minds.

Prof. Iqbal D. Jhazbhay is a senior lecturer at the University of
South Africa and a well-published researcher. He is a Director of the
Board of Johannesburg-based Institute for Global Dialogue and is also
convener of the Middle East study group at the South African Institute
of International Affairs. He also serves on the African National
Congress’s (ANC) Commission for Religious Affairs.

http://somalilandtimes.net/2003/105/10506.shtml

SIRAG ARCHIVE

The Samatars’ alternative to the ICG Report on Somaliland: Examined, by Hibaq Abdikadir Kosar

The Samatars’ alternative to the ICG Report on Somaliland: Examined, by Hibaq Abdikadir Kosar

First I would like to congratulate the International Crises Group (ICG) for a report well written, to the point and easy to follow. This report was indeed focused and free from any biases. It was very informative for those who didn’t know much about Somaliland, its history and inhabitants and for the informed who do not claim they “know it all” it shed light on the recent developments.

Its the objective of the ICG ‘to prevent and resolve deadly conflict’, so to accuse their reports containing ‘political history replete with errors, misinterpretation, omissions, and bedeviled by an untenable characterization of entire communities’ is like accusing the Amnesty International of human rights violations. Let us now examine who made these accusations and why.

Abdi Ismail Samatar and Ahmed I Samatar, made the accusations in an essay (in progress) entitled “INTERNATIONAL CRISIS GROUP REPORT ON SOMALILAND: AN ALTERNATIVE SOMALI RESPONSE”. Here I will demonstrate their motive and make brief examination using the

following categories: 1

• Language
• Patriotism
• Focus
• Swelling Numbers
• Clanism
• Conclusion
• Recommendation
• Personal Note

1. Language

At first glance one can observe an improvement of the language used in criticizing the authors of the ICG Report. Fortunately they did not suffer the same fate as Prof. I.M. Lewis, who Prof Abdi I Samatar 2, blurted abusive words at, which won him the nickname “Street Fighter Professor”.

• “Samatar's response gives one the impression that he is street fighter intent to badmouth and give Lewis a bloody nose.” 3

Among the many abusive statements directed at Prof Lewis was that he was self-congratulating himself when he praised the EU and Prof A. I Samatar commented how the EU funded conference was a failure, and used the Somali proverb " Nin is amaaney waa ri is nuugtay" (a man who praises himself is like a goat that suckles itself), which is used to show disgust at a person who praises oneself. In this light let’s examine the names of the authors that the Samatars referred to as the authentic sources to argue their case. In no less then 7 times was the name Samatar referred to, 4 and describing themselves “as scholars, we have collectively dedicated 35 years to sympathetically understand the inner workings of Somali society” and “Our thinking, distilled from our extensive scholarly research and reading of Somali social history and political economy”

It’s typical of the Samatars to accuse others, who hold apposing views of not able to comprehend the Somalis.5 “Only an arrogant and unreconstructed old fashioned anthropologist would be blind enough to assume that he could speak for the native in 2001.” 6 also “the Ambassador’s (Kiplagat) lack of knowledge about Somali culture….”7, and presenting themselves as the only authoritarians on Somali politics, social, history, economics, judicial etc.

2. Patriotism

• ‘As the conference commenced, non-Somalis started to make the agenda. In one instance, when one of the authors (Abdi) was present, an American doctoral student presented the points….’8

Had Abdi been asked to present the points, would we have read such resentment towards the young American doctoral student? One would almost believe that they are so patriotic they would want only Somalis to conduct the peace processes for themselves and solve their own problems. However, when the people of Somaliland did just that, Abdi called their land “Balayo-land”9 (evil-land). One can only reach the conclusion that they would only be happy if they were in the lime light in any Somali conference and would not settle for otherwise. This is demonstrated in the brothers’ praise and glorifications of the Arta conference proceedings and outcome (Arta: Betrayal of a Gift), 10 since Prof. Abdi was one of the key craftsmen of the proceedings yet it was the one that lacked representations of most regions and used local Somalis from Djibouti to boost the number of attendants. .

The ICG report documented the betrayal felt by the Somaliland people after the unification noting that Hargeisa became ‘a mere provincial headquarters’ and Mogadishu became the national capital. The Samatars identified Hargeisa as ‘the headquarters of the northwest’. Provincial headquarters or northwest headquarters, what’s the difference and the point they’re making? Furthermore the Samatars want the Somaliland people to applaud PM Adbirashid and be consoled for this honourable role (consultants), ‘One of the North's most senior civil servants noted that, "Prime Minister Abdirashid and leading ministers consulted senior northern public servants on key matters, particularly on those that dealt with integration.”


3. Focus

As an engineer when I’m faced with a mathematical problem to solve (e.g. 1/2+1/3) I take the lowest common denominator (No. 6) and not the second (No. 12) or the third (No. 18) lowest common denominators (LCD). If I use the second or third LCDs, my calculations will only get longer and I would waste much of a good time that could have been utilized better, not to mention the possibility of making an error half way resulting the wrong answer. In my college days I would have been penalized for doing that.

The Samatars used the argument that Isaaq were not the only community that suffered under the dictatorship of Said Bare and mentioned Baidoa and Puntland regions.11 The brothers seemed to have totally lost focus by bringing the argument under Somalia. The ICG report was tackling the suffering of clans living in Somaliland (LCD), its history and relationship with Somalia. If the brothers are using the denomination of Somalia (second LCD) in order to make their point, they only prolonged their argument and caused the reader to wonder off and ask, “what did that got to do with Somaliland”. Using the same analogy one can argue that the Somali people were not the only ones who suffered in the Horn of Africa (third LCD) and we can even take the fourth LCD, Africa etc.

I recall conversations I use to have with students of history & politics in my old college (QMW, University of London) where they would tell me that Professors would warn them time and again not to waffle their way out when asked to write an essay about specific topic, as that would cause them to loose marks. I am not familiar with US universities, but if Professors can waffle their way out of the topic of discussion when writing essays, then what’s the chance of a student getting away with it and what does that say about those particular universities? In a court of law when a lawyer attempts to divert attention from the point of focus in a line of questioning, the opposition lawyer would immediately jump and shout “objection”!

Throughout their essay the Samatars drifted off the point of discussion particularly in Part IV. I will address the claims made in this Part for the sake of examining them, though its far off the ICG report. A picture of justice, democracy and fair for all was painted, “There is no doubt today that the Somali Republic’s first President, Aden Abdulle Osman, and his second Prime Minister, Abdirazak H. Hussein, were genuine leaders by any democratic measure”. Yet this is what General Mohammed Farah Aidid recorded about the same period that was glorified by the Samatars’, “the unfortunate experience with the type of Parliamentary Democracy that Somalia had during 1960-69; which bred exploitation, tribal disunity, nepotism, lowering of morals and public integrity and ultimately paved path for a shameless military coup in 1969; warns us not to go in for that very model of democracy. We cannot afford again to be cheated by such so-called representatives of the people, who once the people have elected them to the Parliament are least bothered for the welfare of the masses but are solely guided by their self-seeking motives of making money, favouring their relatives and supporters and black-mailing and exploiting the masses in innumerable ways.”12 I know of someone personally who was thrown out of school in Mogadishu during that period. The then Minister of Education gave a speech in of the schools, where he stated that the schools are filled with street kids when the children of the government (ministers/employees) are not attending school because there are no seats.

Somali history seems to be ‘in the eye of the beholder’; it’s rather like the writer’s story (his-story). It depends on what class or clan they belonged to during the period that they are writing about. The elite would write about the good old days and the luxury they enjoyed since they turned blind eye to the suffering of the lower class or clan. The oppressed would have only experienced the suffering and humiliation and would write his-story through his experiences. Someone from the outside looking in would only be objective historian to record the experiences of both classes. Often when that happens the former elite clan or class who do not want anyone to know what they inflicted on the other clans shower abuses at these historians/anthropologists or accuse them of being on the payroll of “Hargeisa Administration”. That’s why you have many people denying till now the atrocities committed against Somaliland people. Only now more 15 years later you have some people who served the military regime apologizing to the people of Somaliland.13 So when the brothers write, “We argue that this history could be told differently.” you do not need to be a rocket scientist to know what version of his-story will be told.

4. Swelling Numbers

One of the most deceiving claims the Samatars made to undermine the accuracy of the ICG report was the claim that large number of “Northerners” held high positions in contrast to the ICG report. At first the reader would see positions identified (yet no names mentioned), 14 therefore one would think this claim must be authentic and that it cannot be fabricated, as this is a historical fact. Lets study how they introduced this grave deception.

The reader was introduced to Somaliland (former British colony) and Somalia (former Italian colony) and after the unification these two entities came to be known as North and South of Somalia. Somalis referred to each other as Southerners and Northerners respectively. In order to boost the figures of the Northerners (Somalilanders) in high positions the brothers conveniently included positions held by people from the region presently known as Puntland (northeast Somalia). These individuals represented the South, since this region was part of Somalia and not Somaliland before unification. Therefore the ICG document was accurate in its reporting.


5. Clanism

The ICG report made mention of the tribes in Somaliland that collaborated with the military regime against the Isaaq. The Samatars’ wrote:

• “A discernment of who collaborated with the military dictatorship and to what degree…The ICG document enters that fray by identifying two northern communities as willing allies of the regime: the Samaroon and the Harti (pp. 11, 28). Simultaneously, the Isaaq kin-group is presented as innocent sufferers. This is problematic.”15

Here it’s important to note that the brothers are of Samaroon clan, hence the anger expressed in the above quote. Naming Isaaq men16 that served in the military dictatorship and attempting to level them with characters like Morgan and Ghani, who were responsible for the genocide of Somaliland, is totally irresponsible and one that would invite questioning as to their motive and integrity as academics. One can only sense the sentiments of clanism expressed here. I wonder how many historical claims stated by the Samatars were created on their keyboards? Gentlemen, you claim to be learned men, present your evidence for the statements you made, or did you conveniently fabricate this piece of history to tarnish the men’s names and discredit the ICG report for your gains?

Let it be known that I consider all those Isaaq individuals mentioned who remained in Barre’s regime till its dying days “TRAITORS”, since they held those positions at the expense of the suffering of their own people. However the brothers’ choice of excluding General Jama Mohamed Qalib, when he held high positions in Barre’s regime sometime in those dark days and presented him as a victim 17 only exposed their prejudice (a friend perhaps?). He was another craftsman of the Arta conference and benefited from it by being rewarded handsomely, also known to hold the same views as the Samatars’. Why did they fail to mention how he was responsible for the deaths of thousands of young men in the Somaliland civil war (1994-1996)? Now this would have been relevant to the topic of discussion (Somaliland-LCD?), since he was a warlord for that short period of time. At least the warlords in Somalia stay with their soldiers while General Qalib ran away two days before the fighting started, after beating the drums of war for the young men. What’s the word that describes a General abandoning his army, just before full scale fighting starts?

With regards to the office of Presidency the Samatars made the claim that ‘When Egal, the leading northern politician, was asked to seek the office he declined.’ This is a laughable claim. Both opponents and friends of Egal would agree on one thing, that he desired and sought the position of the President of Somalia all his life, until the 2001 Somaliland referendum when all hopes of that ever happening was dashed away from him. In fact someone commented once that if the position of the “President of Africa” existed he would run for it.


6. Conclusion

In Somaliland, people of all tribes are living side by side in harmony and do not need the so called scholars living thousands of miles away to create hate and animosity between them. These people have shaken off the great might of the military regime and will not hesitate to shake off inflammatory essays that’s only intended to derail them from the path to peace they’ve embarked on. Most of these writers are living in the United States enjoying the freedom and liberty that its forefathers created by fist declaring that, “When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation. We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.”18 Therefore if the Samatars are serious as to their claim of feeling obliged to promote the well being of their community, then instead of calling their land ‘evil-land’ they ought to take part in promoting the freedom and liberty that their people have taken its first steps to establish. They ought to make their guiding principal to be what is in the interest of their people, and listen to what they want.

History has its place and the people of Somaliland chose to forgive each other for past crimes in order to move on and build a brighter future for themselves and their children. Digging old wounds will not achieve what its intended, which is to destabilise the peace they worked so hard for.

I for one am proud of the achievements of my people and wish that we all applaud them for their strength and determination to take the first steps of entering into the democratic world.

7. Recommendation

a) Before embarking on responding to a report make sure you read the content of the report to establish the topic of discussion and read the report carefully (if necessary read it few times).
b) When writing an essay, stay focused and don’t waffle just to boost the number words.
c) To prove the authenticity of your claim, use reliable historians and not your own essays “in progress”.



8. Personal Note

Somali people need to express their views through the ballot box and not be swayed by the selfish politicians who wear ‘Somaliweyn hat’ one minute, ‘Islam hat’ the next, ‘tribal hat’, the next and so on. The people of Somaliland have spoken as to what they want. They want to choose who leads their country and not be chosen for them in some conference held in far away land that’s organized by foreigners. The days that they were forced to accept anyone to rule them by force are gone. No clan has the right of leadership over others; hence no formula should be acceptable by any clan, whether they are in the majority or minority. No clan is superior to others:

• “O mankind! We created you from a single (pair) of a male and a female, and made you into nations and tribes, that ye may know each other (not that ye may despise each other). Verily the most honoured of you in the sight of Allah is (he who is) the most righteous of you. And Allah has full knowledge and is well acquainted (with all things).”19

Many of the Somaliweyn politicians and writers who claim they don’t want the dismemberment of Somalia, put fear in the Somali people’s mind painting the picture that recognition of Somaliland will result closure of its borders to other Somalis. The people who feel this fear the most are the people of Harti, and this is understandable because they feel torn between their tribal kinsmen who live on the other side of the border (Puntland, Somalia), and their cousins (Isaaq) through intermarriages who live in Somaliland. Let’s take the current status of the relationship between the people of Somaliland and other Somalis. They will always be welcomed to come and live peacefully in Somaliland if/when they chose to, and I’m confident that they would be welcomed in their respective homelands. People from Somaliland are also related to Somalis in Djibouti, so do they stop them from crossing the border? The two countries share trade ties, common culture, and blood ties, yet no political ties and that’s acceptable to both communities, as it doesn’t affect their personal or business relationships.

These politicians have one thing to gain from Somaliland not being recognised that is to rule a bigger portion of the land and as for the writers they want to cash on the misery of the Somali people through their writings and attending the reconciliation conferences to be paid for drafting charters that will be impractical and unworkable, so they’ll be called back for the next conference, and the next and the next and the next…. If there’s no conflict what’s there to write about? The Somali people need to reach peaceful settlement to stop their bloodshed being cashed on.

Somalis are nomadic by nature and this will never change, Somaliland people continue to intermarry Ogaden, though their land is within Ethiopian border. Hargeisa is now multi-ethnic city were Somalis of all clans are living peacefully along side each other and I hope the same can be achieved for the cities in Somalia. All Somalis own businesses in Somaliland, Somalis from Djibouti, Ogden, and Somalia. In fact the Telecommunication sector is dominated with companies owned by people from Somalia, and everyone welcomes them from government to the public.

Family members can have different political views as demonstrated in the Somaliland elections were members of the same family voted for different parties. If Somaliland people chose a different political path, then the rest of Somalia, to achieve peace and harmony; their brethren Somalia should agree to disagree for the sake of keeping the love between them and work towards a brighter future together for their respective countries. Somalis living everywhere should be happy for what their brethren in Somaliland have achieved and pray for their brethren in Somalia to achieve peace and stability, this will be truly Somali brotherhood.


Notes

1. Detailed examination still “in progress”, if such a term “in progress” exists to justify posting half-cooked essays on the web.

2. Prof Abdi I Samatar, “I.M. Lewis's Retired Ideas and Somalia” http://www.somaliawatch.org/archivefeb01/010203202.htm

3. “In Response to Prof Abdi I. Samatar's, I.M. Lewis's Retired Ideas and Somalia” by Ali A. Jama – Director of Somalia Watch – Feb 3, 2001. http://www.somaliawatch.org/archivefeb01/010203201.htm

4. Ahmed I Samatar and Abdi I. Samatar, Notes, “INTERNATIONAL CRISIS GROUP REPORT ON SOMALILAND: AN ALTERNATIVE SOMALI RESPONSE” http://www.hiiraan.com/htdocs/2003/aug03/op/icg_respond.htm

5. It seems that it’s not just the Samatars’ who make these accusations, but others who hold the same view do it too. Ahmed Dowlo wrote this about Jean-Jacques Cornish, “Mr. Cornish has got him self into a political disarray in which he has very limited knowledge.” The article is entitled ‘Recognise "Somaliland" and a can of worm opens’. http://www.hiiraan.ca/2003/aug03/op/dowlo.htm. Ahmed Dowlo is a member of Somali Association of South Africa, an organisation I’m sure that just come into being after the positive reports on Somaliland from SA, the most amusing thing they’ve come up with so far is the petition online where they’re trying to black mail the SA government. The article was written by Abbas Yusuf madela60@hotmail.com (interesting email id).

6. “I.M. Lewis's Retired Ideas and Somalia”, by Prof Abdi I Samatar.

7. Ahmed I Samatar and Abdi I. Samatar, Part II C (1),“Somali Reconciliation: Editorial Note” posted on http://www.goobjoog.com/books/editorial/note/

8. Ahmed I Samatar and Abdi I. Samatar, Part II B, “Somali Reconciliation: Editorial Note”.

9. Prof Abdi I Samatar, “I.M. Lewis's Retired Ideas and Somalia”.

10. Ahmed I Samatar and Abdi I. Samatar, Part II A “Somali Reconciliation: Editorial Note”.

11. Part VI-A&B, “INTERNATIONAL CRISIS GROUP REPORT ON SOMALILAND: AN ALTERNATIVE SOMALI RESPONSE”

12. General Mohammed Farah Aidid, The Preferred Future Development in Somalia, www.civicwebs.com

13. Abdi Warsame Isaq, the leader of SSNM, who was a members of Supreme Council of the Somali Revelation 21st of October 1969.

14. Part VI-A, “INTERNATIONAL CRISIS GROUP REPORT ON SOMALILAND: AN ALTERNATIVE SOMALI RESPONSE”.

15. Part VI-A, “INTERNATIONAL CRISIS GROUP REPORT ON SOMALILAND: AN ALTERNATIVE SOMALI RESPONSE”.

16. Part V-B, “INTERNATIONAL CRISIS GROUP REPORT ON SOMALILAND: AN ALTERNATIVE SOMALI RESPONSE”.

17. Part VI-B “INTERNATIONAL CRISIS GROUP REPORT ON SOMALILAND: AN ALTERNATIVE SOMALI RESPONSE”.

18. The first paragraph of the United States Declaration of Independence (In Congress July 4, 1774)

19. The Quran, Chapter: 49, Verse: 13

SIRAG ARCHIVE

Masquerading successful Somaliland as failed Somalia by Bashir Goth

Masquerading successful Somaliland as failed Somalia, Bashir Goth

Reading the opinion piece “Somalia’s warlords: Feeding on a failed state” published by the International Herald Tribune on 20 Jan 2004, one doesn’t have to go any further to understand why a place like Somaliland, a peaceful, democratic and by the testimony of many foreign diplomats, writers and academics a model for homegrown African reconciliation and building of state institutions, has been ignored for so long by the world community.

It is such selective half-truths touted by people like Abdulqawi A. Yusuf, the writer of the article, taking advantage of his position as editor of the African Year Book of International Law and assumed knowledgeable background, that places blinders on the eyes of the international community, narrowing their vision to the darkness and ugliness that prevail in Mogadishu and most of the regions in the Former Italian Somalia. This kind of sweeping generalizations and regurgitating of clichés favored by foreign media such as anarchy, violence, and chaos, is what dampens and trivializes the great achievements accomplished by the people of Somaliland, former British Somaliland Protectorate, against the apocalyptic situation in the Italian South.

One would have expected from the writer, a man of law and an academic who shoulders the awesome task of editing a document, considered to be a genuine reference for African legal affairs, to have exercised some degree of fairness and objectivity in his analysis. Though right in his condemnation and exposure of the Southern-based warlords as a pack of blood suckers who thrive on the misery of the ordinary people, he utterly failed to see the light in the case of Somaliland which has managed to escape the mayhem and the anarchy of the South due to their traditional wisdom and time-worn African methods of resolving conflicts and making peace under the neem tree without any help from the international community. It is here where I would like to pick up and piece together the success story of Somaliland that Abdulqawi tried to weave it into the apocalyptic kaleidoscope of failure, thievery, violence and mayhem that prevail in Italian Somalia.

Emerging from a devastating war that killed tens of thousands, maimed other tens of thousands, grazed whole towns and villages to rubble and drove the whole population into forced exile, the people of Somaliland convened a national reconciliation conference in Buroa in 1991 immediately after the collapse of the military regime. In a traditional conflict resolving and crisis management atmosphere, representatives of all clans and all sectors of the society including elders, religious men, western educated intellectuals, militia commanders, women and youth laid down their arms, decided to put the misery of the past behind them and build a future and a state for themselves. The people of Somaliland, a former British Protectorate, which gained its independence on 26th June 1960, five days before it formed a union with the Italian colonized South, which received its independence on 1st July 1960, made a unanimous decision on that fateful morning of 18 May 1991 to restore their sovereignty and vowed to build a state on the basis of democracy, traditional wisdom and the rule of law.

Rising to the urgency of returning to normalcy and allowing the people to start the arduous task of rebuilding, the conference elected a President, a Vice President and a National Consultative Council for two years on an agreed quota basis. Soon after a cabinet was formed and the government started setting up all local government institutions and infrastructure from scratch, while traditional elders, intellectuals, religious men, businessmen and prominent personalities embarked on the painstaking and Herculean task of confidence building between the various clans, explaining the fruits of peace and consolidating stability and harmony.

Once government institutions were partly revived and returning refugees began to feel the dividends of peace and stability, the people of Somaliland convened their second conference in the town of Borama in 1993. After three months of lengthy and sometimes difficult discussions, a new president, vice president and two-tier national parliament were elected. Mohammed Ibrahim Egal, the first Prime Minister of Somaliland at the time of Independence and a veteran African statesman, had defeated the then incumbent President Abdirahman Ahmed Ali, the former head of the Somali National Movement (SNM) that fought against Siyad Barre’s regime. Contrary to the behaviour of traditional African militia commanders who believe that the chair belongs to them by default, Abdirahman, a veteran civil servant and former Ambassador, congratulated his successor and transferred the rule democratically and peacefully. Comparatively this was when the civil war and tribal mayhem was at its height in the Italian south with Baidoa symbolizing the epicenter of death and misery that moved the international community and prompted former U.S. President Bush to launch Operation Restore Hope which eventually ended up in the disastrous Black Hawk Down and the shameful flight of Americans and later UN forces from Mogadishu.

A charismatic leader, a shrewd strategist and an expert on Somali tribal politics, Egal has within a short time managed to put all government institutions in place. At the time of his next election in 1997, barely four years after, the country had functioning executive and judicial bodies namely Cabinet of Ministers, a bicameral parliament, a police force, a military force, courts and local councils. The health and school sectors were back on track, and thousands of refugees had returned home. In 1997 Egal defeated his opponents for the parliament-voted presidential elections and won a second term of office. With all government institutions firm on the ground and the infrastructure partly restored, Egal and his government turned their attention to establish the constitutional base for the existence of Somaliland. Relying mainly on customary laws, traditional wisdom and with the assistance of international legal experts, the first Somaliland Constitution was drafted and tabled for debate by the parliament. After long, vigorous and arduous debates checkered by numerous rejections and revisions, like any vibrant democracy; the Somaliland parliament endorsed the constitution and slated it for national referendum. When finally put on referendum in free and fair elections on 15 December 2002, 98% of the voters gave a resounding yes to the new constitution that laid the legal foundation for Somaliland’s proclamation of independence.

In another manifestation of its maturity and seriousness in adhering to the rule of law, Somaliland parliament showed the world one of the rare episodes of African civility and respect for democratic norms, when it made possible a smooth and peaceful transfer of power when President Egal died in a hospital in South Africa, where he was taken for treatment for a prolonged illness. With astonishing speed, the Parliament resorted to the constitution and sworn in the Vice President, Dahir Riyale Kahin, as the country’s President, thus proving wrong both African political pundits and skeptics who predicted that Egal’s death would usher in a period of chaos and tribal civil war, particularly as Riyale who was to succeed Egal was not from the majority clan, a text book recipe for tribal genocides in many parts of Africa including Italian Somalia.

Since then, the country has conducted two successfully monitored elections, local council elections in December 2002 and free and fair presidential elections on 14th April 2003 in which the Udub ruling party led by then incumbent President Riyale won by only 217 votes. However, in unprecedented democratic action that recalled the U.S. presidential contention in 2000, the opposition party Kulmiye challenged the tally but has, as Jeffry Herts wrote in the Washington Post, “in a moment of extraordinary responsibility given Somalia’s history of having weapons resolve almost every conflict, eventually accepted the results,” after the country’s Higher Court supported the Election Commission’s tally. Somaliland is also planning parliamentary elections by the end of 2004. “At that point,” writes Herts, “Somaliland will have a more impressive democracy than most African countries. One would think the natural responses of the outside world to the extra-ordinary accomplishments of the Somalilanders would be respect and recognition. The Somalilanders, almost unanimously ask what more they can do when the international community continues to recognize Liberia, Sierra Leone, Democratic Republic of Congo and anarchic, violent places as sovereign units. It is time to give them an answer.”

And the answer comes from our next of kin who is green with envy for Somaliland’s achievements. It comes in Abdulqawi’s fleeting dismissal and counting of Somaliland’s democratically elected President among other warlords or as wannabe or anointed president among Puntland and Mogadisho warmongers.

However, refuting Abdulqawi’s deliberate attempt to conceal the truth in a malicious smoke screen comes not from me or any other Somalilander for that matter but from world renowned scholars and neutral foreign observers of the Somali political landscape. I feel obliged to quote some of them, at least for the benefit of IHT readers and the international media, whom Abdulqawi tried to lead, blindfolded into the abyss.

The contrast between chaotic Somalia and the stable Somaliland, explains Greg Mills, national director of the South African Institute of International Affairs, writing in the South African Sunday Independent ( 2nd Nov. 2003) is that donor countries frequently help sustain conflict and political strife by providing assistance.

He said that 14 peace conferences were held since 1991. The number of warlord factions increased from three in 1993, at the withdrawal of UN troops from Mogadishu, to about 50 a decade later. Based on a communications training facility outside Nairobi, the latest peace conference at Mbaghati had, by the end of 2003, drifted on for more than a year, at an estimated cost of $8 million, funded principally by the European Union.

Somaliland, by comparison, Mills wrote was left to its own devices and yet has successfully managed to emerge from decades of devastation on its own.

According to Kornegay, a programme co-ordinator, center for Africa’s International Relations, University of Witwatersrand, Kenyan scholar Prof. Ali Mazrui summed up the Somaliland/Mogadishu riddle by noting that “the situation in Somalia now is a culture of rules without rulers, and stateless society” while, on Somaliland :”there is order there, they have the potential to survive.”

Writing in the, Business Day 9 Jan 2004, Kornegay said Mazrui thus holds Somliland should be allowed to go its way as a prelude to eventual pan-Somali reintegration. The question is, though, is whether the AU will resist imposing unity and allowing such a process to unfold without continuing to penalise Somaliland?

The clearest testimony by an African official came from South African Foreign Affairs Minister Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma by admitting publicly “It is undeniable that Somaliland does indeed qualify for statehood, and it is incumbent upon the international community to recognize it,” ( a report commissioned by SA Foreign Ministry).

In her article, Painful push for recognition, published in South African Business Day, Dianna Games, Director or Africa@Work, a company focusing on African issues, said “So is the fact it has held two successful elections a record many recognized governments in Africa cannot claim. Its nationhood is a grassroots initiative kept on track by a determination to succeed.

“Somaliland’s lack of international recognition leaves it bound to Somalia, the lawless country to its south of which it is officially still a part despite Somaliland’s 12 years of self-declared independence.”

The list of testimonies for Somaliland’s legitimacy for statehood is endless, while titles of such stories speak volumes of the political observers’ admiration for Somaliland’s achievements. “Federalism not a kiss of death for Africa” by Kornegay, World Ignores Somaliland’s Campaign for Independence, Raymond Thibodeaux, “In Africa What It Takes to Be a Country”, Jeffry Herts, “Somaliland has a case for Independence”, Mail and Guardian South Africa, “Somaliland- the little country that Could”, Shannon Field, “Somaliland Success, Africa’s Big Secret” by Iqbal Jhazbhay and others.

Thus the final cry from Somaliland’s Foreign Minister Edna Adan Ismail “We have shown that we can be democratic and that we can respect human rights. We are setting an example for the rest of Africa. Where is our peace dividend?” she said talking to Raymond Thibodeaux of the journal-Constitution 02Oct 2003.

Somaliland today has two universities, a vibrant and maturing free press and a thriving business despite the Arab ban on its livestock exports, the country’s economic backbone.

This is the stark truth of Somaliland, a country that has built all constitutional institutions, has fulfilled all democratic legalities to the letter and instilled the culture of peace and stability. It is such achievements of Somaliland that Southerner intellectuals like Abdulqawi try to hide by lumping it with Italian Somalia with its culture of chaos and warlordism. As a Somalilander who is proud of his people’s achievements, I advise Abdulqawi that when writing next time about Somalia he should not try to insult the intelligence of the international community by masquerading successful Somaliland as failed Somalia.

Bashir Goth
e-mail: bsogoth@yahoo.com

SIRAG ARCHIVE

Somaliland's Integrity not for Compromise by M Ghalib, Somaliland Net

S.L Integrity not for Compromise
Jan 18 2004


Jan 18 2004 Hargeisa,Somaliland(Somaliland Net) - A cloud of tension is hovering over Sool region. the nucleus of the matter is based in Las-Anod.. The invasion and occupation of the town is the latest plunder the notorious blood thirsty Majertienia dictator, who has been interfering with Somaliland's territorial integrity for the past seven years.

The government of Somaliland is a democratically elected administration which believes in peace, stability and development. The main reason that Somaliland is dragging its feet in engaging into war with Majertenia is that Somaliland respects human life and is not like Abdilahi Yusuf of whom killing of innocent people is his daily routine.

The killings in Bosaso recently, highlights the fact that Abdilahi Yusuf is already facing an opposition uprising in Majertenia. The Majertenia war lord, who is holding power through the point of a gun, is quite aware of the consequences of war with. Somaliland, but his aim is just to put Somaliland into war so as to wound the hard won reputation of this country in the international arena. The Somaliland government, though peace loving, would not allow any foreign elements to invade its territorial boundaries.

The government was elected to steer the country to prosperity and preserve the dignity and integrity of its people. The government and the populace are ready to defend the sovereignty of their motherland hence secure their borders.

President Rayaale and leading opposition leader Ahmed Mohammed Silanyo's closed door meeting at the Presidency recently and yesterday's meeting by the three national parties, members of the two houses of parliament and top ranking officials of the central government, including the President, clearly indicates Somalilanders solidarity in issues pertaining to their motherland's cohesiveness.

It is childish for the self-declared President of the imaginary Majertenia, which does not exist in any non map in the world, to poke his nose in the affairs of a well established a nation which is sailing towards international recognition. The ill motivated expansion mission depicted by the envy of Majertenia dictator has taken the wrong direction, since Somalilanders would not give away an inch of the land they liberated from the stronger dictatorial regime of the late Siad Barre, the hard way.

Somaliland is willing to secure its borders in peace and is ready for war if it is the only option left. The fact is that Somaliland forces cannot fight in the center of Lasanod and kill their own citizens which is the aim of the Majertenia region and its coward militia who cannot come in the open but stay in the town with aim of using the residents as human shields.

Whether he, Abdilahi Yusuf hides behind the curtain of HARTISM or not, Sool and east Sanaag belong to Somaliland, and will never belong to a non existent country, or come under the rule of a chaotic human butcher who does not value human lives

The three sided meeting held at the Presidency yesterday, emphasizes how Somalilanders, regardless of their political stand, tribe or clan, belong to one nation and motherland's cause comes first. It also shows President Rayaale's willingness to bring on board all parties concern in the country's politics, in issues of paramount national importance. The request by the opposition parties to have regular meetings with the government, and President Rayaale's prompt acceptance, is also a sign of brotherly and cohesive teamwork.

Somaliland is a land of true democracy which is moving forward with the modern world which is contrary to Abdilahi Yusuf's ancient tribal system which no longer exists in any part of this modern technological universe. The Majertenia war lord is moving three steps backwards instead of striving to at least to move a single step forward.

To his populace, Abdilahi Yusuf is not a leader, but a political reject whose time expired in the year 2001 and who is holding grip to the imaginary throne at gunpoint.

The Somaliland government would not let the notorious warlord who is holding the Majertenia people, as hostages of terror, destroying his people in the name of HARTISM Somaliland would strike hard on any intruder. Enough is enough and no mercy would be practiced in kicking the invaders out of our dear motherland.



Posted by M Ghalib, Somaliland Net.
Email: news@somalilandnet.com
Reporter: Siciid Xussen (Sa'eed Yare)

SIRAG ARCHIVE

Puntland`s Suicidal Miscalculations by Ibrahim Hassan Gagale

Puntland`s Suicidal Miscalculations

Since the proclamation of what is least known as Puntland in 1998, the claim of Sool and Sanaag regions of Somaliland remained at lip service before December 2003. The timing of Las Anod`s invasion at the end of December was sucidal political miscalculasions based
on misinformation fed to Col. Abdullahi Youssuf by his secret informants from the beginning of Somaliland`s presidential election results of April 2003. These secret informants have been falsely telling Col. Abdullahi Youssuf that the results of the presidential elections have bitterly divided Somaliland people between west and east, and as a result of that, the government has become weak and the armed forces have disintegrated. Basing his decision on this unfounded information in Somaliland and taking advantage of current Somali Peace Talks in Kenya for convenience, the hawkish dictator, Colonel Abdullahi Youssuf, saw no better time than now to invade Las Anod. The tyrant of Garowe made a devastating mistake by failing to understand that the national unity and territorial integrity of any nation is far above democratic political differences and views, and Somaliland`s government and people are entirely united and committed to defend the sanctity of national unity and territorial integrity of Somaliland Republic.

The current border between Somaliland and Somalia was drawn during colonial times between British Somaliland Protectorate and Somali Italian colony. Likewise, all African borders had been drawn by colonial powers and today, the sovereignty and diplomatic recognition of any African state or country depend on its colonial borders. These borders are also recognized by African Union, United Nations as well as the international community. There are no tribal borders but there are internationally recognized national and territorial borders in this world. The border between Somaliland and Somalia is not different from that passing between Kenya and Tanzania. Through out Africa, same clans
inhabit at least in two or more different countries.

Good examples of these clans are:

-Fulani: inhabits Sudan, Senegal, and Cameron.
-Hausa: inhabits in Nigeria and Niger.
-Yoruba: inhabits in Nigeria and Benin.
-Bobo: inhabits in Burkino Faso and Mali.
-Maasai: inhabits in Kenya and Tanzania.
-Berbers: inhabits Morocco, Tunisia, Algeria etc.
-Issak: inhabit in Somaliland, Ethiopia, Djibouti,
and Kenya.
-Hawiye: inhabits Somalia, Ethiopia, and Kenya.
-Darod: inhabits in Somaliland, Somalia, Ethiopia, and
kenya.
-Samaroon: inhabits Somaliland, Ethiopia, and
Djibouti.
-Issa: inhabits in Djibouti, Ethiopia, and Somaliland.

Each part of these clans share legitimacy of sovereignty, country, border, and government with their respective states. It is internationally unlawful and unjustifiable, too, that Somaliland Republic invades Djibouti and seizes the lands inhabited by Issaks and Samaroons claiming that they are associated with it by lineage. Thereof, Puntland`s Administration has no right at all to claim Sool on the mere basis of lineage and non-existing tribal border. Thus, its cross-border attacks against Somaliland Republic are open aggression.

With the temporary fall of Las Anod, Col. Abdulllahi Youssuf is now bragging to the delegates of Somali Peace talks in Kenya that he captured important region from Somaliland, Sool, and promising to seize the rest of Somaliland and bring it back to Somalia in order to score political points for bargaining Somalia`s presidency.

When foreign forces invade a country and defy international calls to withdraw from it immediatley, war is the only option, surrender is not an option. President Riyale must prepare himself for a war president and prepare the nation for a war. Somaliland Republic must direct all its resources toward the defense of the motherland and make Col.
Abdullahi Youssuf and his ficious militia taste the lethal weapons of Somaliland Armed Forces as soon as possible to liberate Las Anod and rescue its residents from the killings, illegal imprisonments, torture, and curfew by Puntland`s brutal militia. Somaliland must
take the war to Bosaso to cut off the life line from Col. Abdullahi Youssuf and his militia, and to Garowe to destroy his headquarters. This will also help the people of Majeerteenia to liberate themselves from the cannibal, Col. Abdullahi Youssuf.

If the current government of Somaliland fails, hope won`t, to expel Puntland`s militia from Somaliland immediately, then the people of Somaliland must replace it with better government that is adamantly committed to defend the sanctity of national unity and
territorial integrity of Somaliland. It is well known that war causes death and destruction, but it must be welcome when one`s existence is threatened.

Written by: Ibrahim Hassan Gagale
e-mail: Ibrahim_hg@yahoo.com
January 14, 2004.

SIRAG ARCHIVE

Somaliland's Sovereignty is Right

Somaliland's Sovereignty is Right

---

Republic of Somaliland declared its sovereignty from Somalia in (1991 ) and have became separate country since. From the time of proclamation till now although Somaliland was not recognized internationally but its un-deniable that some countries had indirectly recognized Somaliland for its longstanding efforts of being separate nation from the so-called failed state of Somalia.

Some people always use wrong and invalid words when they are posting Somaliland's news, they comment Somaliland's position negatively with the help of un suitable words such as ( secession, breaking away and etc). Somaliland is not breaking away or seceding from it's mother country but its withdrawing an illegal tragic partnership union shared with the neighbouring country Somalia, Somaliland's separate administration is legitimate and has aright to plan its future as it was said that every nation has aright to think it's future ( Ummad waliba aayeheeda inay garato iyadaa leh).

Another invalid claim is that some people wrongly believe that the Somali regions Somaliland, Somalia, Djibouti, N/East Kenya, Ogadenia, Hawd and Reserve Area had unity before the European entry in Somali soil, but that is wrong consensus and belief, before European colonies Somaliland had its own traditional leaders while Somalia and other Somalia parts had their own sultanates and chiefs, The different five Somali regions did not share any form of administration whether it is Sultanates, chief-leaderships, regional
administrations or governments before European invaders (1886 ) so it is normal and aright step if Somali people form two governments Somaliland and Somalia as before to achieve peaceful solutions and any sayings oppose this is going to be meaningless at this current time.

The first invalid and incoherent share of administration took place in 1960 after when Somaliland and Somalia illegally united, that union took place with no legal formalities, and also there was no written agreement signed by the two sides, so that Somalia's claim of opposing Somaliland's developments and sovereignty displays their betraying double standard delusions, on one side they are saying unification, co-operation and respecting the rights of Somali people is considered and on the other side they were reviling and violating the solidarity between the two countries when they intentionally took all the top posts of government institutions, the worst cases happened in the period of the Darod government which started execution, massacre ,land expansion, destructing Somaliland cities, settling illegally the people from Ogadenia in Somaliland's regions (1978-1991),from that time Siad's regime did every thing to promote Daaroodism administration, he decided to decided to settle the Ogaden who live in Ethiopia in Somaliland's cities and rural areas to repress and displace Somaliland people and after when the holy struggle started in 1988 that regime continued it's displacement towards Somaliland citizens and the mentioned people have been encouraged to take over the remains of Somalilander shops and houses thus those who were received as foreign refugee or guests have supplanted their Somaliland hosts in 1979-91.

Somaliland people wholeheartedly united with Somalia, but that union and solidarity was not based on written agreement and endorsement, Somalilanders with their definite land ,historical facts, and twelve years of stability with a remarkable democratic institutions and government should favour an international recognition.

If Its tried like some African and Arab governments to force Somaliland once more into a union with Somalia ,a course of action almost certain to open anew chapter in the Somalia conflicts. Somaliland completed all the important conditions for an existing nation, the referendum on constitution and independence ,technically well arranged elections at both municipal and national level and the establishment of the current government through popular vote puts the facts existing in the country un ignorable. How ever, Somaliland government should expand the government administration towards the eastern districts of Sool and Sanaag and take careful purpose or step to put an end the Majeerteenia's interference against Somaliland. Cornel Abdullahi Yusuf's self declared regional administration called Puntland controls only two regions inhabited by his clan, i.e., Bari (Bossaso) and Nugaal (Garowe),he established in these two regions dictatorial based administration, there is no freedom of speech and press in these cities Bosaso and Garawe, the people is being suffocated and the power is taken by gun point from Jama Ali Jama (an elected reg. administration).Majeerteenia's claim of being administering the eastern districts of Sool and Sanaag (Somaliland ) and the Mudug region of Somalia is not based on legal facts.

Eastern Sool and Eastern Sanaag districts are constituted by Somaliland while Mudug region of Somalia is inhabited by other clans (Dir & Hawiye).and considering separate administration for their Mudug region in the forthcoming times .Somaliland government should argue world leaders to recognise Somaliland and consider the hard work and the efforts the people of Somaliland have shown in rebuilding their devastated cities, towns, and rural areas from the ashes devoid of any outside support.

Writer, Ahmed Iid Aadan
ahmediid@hotmail.com
August 22,2003

SIRAG ARCHIVE

A Short Note To The Ministers Of Defence And Internal Affairs

A Short Note To The Ministers Of Defence And Internal Affairs

A. Mohamed Ali Hashi (Dhimbil), Ottawa

Forces loyal to the tyrant Abdullahi Yusuf, and under his direct instructions, attacked the symbol of this Republic's national sovereignty, the person of the President. This attack represents the failure of the tyrant Abdullahi Yusuf to convince the people of Sool to live in tyranny. This is the fundamental reason why the tyrant Abdullahi Yusuf attacked the constitutionally elected President of this Republic and the Commander in Chief of the Armed forces of this country whose mission was one of dialogue and discussion with the great people of Sool and their leaders. While the President Of this Republic represents the forces of dialogue and discussion towards a democratic dispensation for this country, the tyrant Abdillahi Yusuf presides over a recurrent and never ending civil war in Puntland. Indeed, Somaliland and its people have welcomed refugees from Puntland and its capital Garowe several times, showing their brethren that they hold no grudges and indeed have a responsibility to help their neighbours. The decent people of Puntland know that the people and Government of Somaliland are their eternal friends and are ready to help in confronting tyranny in Puntland, which is indeed a clear and present danger for this Republic.

The tyrant Abdillahi Yusuf wishes war and the unacceptable and horrid cycle of death and destruction, which has marked the life and times this self-styled Idi Amin of the Horn. The people of Puntland have repeatedly chased him away from their towns and hamlets only for the tyrant to return with his tidings from the dark side. Like an evil and dark warlord the tyrant Abdullahi Yusuf now has designs on the destroying the march of progress and democracy in this Republic.

The Government of Somaliland must not fall into this evil trap set by an evil tyrant who represents the forces of darkness and regression. The Government of this Republic must not fall into the trap of those who advocate a battle with the forces of the tyrant Abdillahi Yusuf. The tyrant wants us to suspend the constitution, call for ruling by decree, and the cancellation of the coming elections in this republic. In a word, the tyrant wishes to destroy democracy and the republic as a clearing path for the rise of a new dictator. These are the intentions of this dictator and we must not fall into this trap. By besmirching our hard-won peace, by creating suspicion, by whispering gossip and innuendo, the hypocrisy of the tyrant Abdullahi Yusuf will never win. We in Somaliland stand for the opposite of these evil intentions of the tyrant Abdullahi Yusuf. We stand for Republicanism, Democracy, Decency, and the Rule of Law.

The people of the Republic of Somaliland, The government of this Republic, will defend democracy in Somaliland by securing the rights of the border of the Republic. The former constitutional and home Affairs Minister of The Republic of Kenya was once asked about the great people of the Somali Frontier District and their rights as Somali-speaking people whose choice was to join the former Somali Republic. Charles Njonjo replied, "They should pack their camels and go!" This must never be the position of the government, for the means never justify the ends. However, we must recognize that there has been a fundamental attack on the sovereignty of this country. When Sadaam Hussein and Muamar Ghadafi thought of harming Presidents Bush and Reagan, bombs fell into their bedrooms. This shows the gravity of the Situation. I therefore call on these policy changes given the designs of the tyrant Abdullahi Yusuf.

1. The creation of a security zone between our Somaliland and Somalia, to keep out attacks of any kind. Preferably a 5-10 kilometre buffer zone with critical checks.
2. Creation of a special security force in charge of the border under the Ministers of Defence and Internal Affairs, including the Chief of Intelligence. The chief of Intelligence must create an early warning system group so that intelligence flows are current and ready so that the President can make informed decisions.
3. A re-assessment of the security procedures and responsibilities of those in charge of the security of this country;
4. The officers in charge of the Armed Forces must provide detailed policy ideas on how to deploy actively this new border response force;
5. A re-assessment of the entire security system of the country and how best to use our meagre resources and finally;
6. A national security committee comprised of those responsible cabinet Ministers who can call the shots and respond to these kinds of issues chaired by the President.

http://www.somalilandtimes.net/Archive/47/4708.htm

SIRAG ARCHIVE

AN APPEAL TO THE HONOURABLE MEMBERS OF THE SOMALILAND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES NOT TO PASS THE PRESS BILL

SOMALILAND FORUM - PRESS RELEASE

09.01.04

REF: SLF/EC/29/2003-2/04

AN APPEAL TO THE HONOURABLE MEMBERS OF THE SOMALILAND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES NOT TO PASS THE PRESS BILL

SOMALILAND FORUM PRESS RELEASE
SLF/EC/29/2003-2004

The House has been discussing recently again the Press Bill, which has been submitted to the House on various occasions since 1997. We understand that the Bill will now be put to a vote on Saturday this week or shortly afterwards.

We have expressed our opposition to Bill twice in the last few years, and we have given detailed reasons for our objections last year in July 2003. No meaningful changes have been made to the Bill, and there are even reports that the 1997 version may be re-submitted for the final vote.

We strongly urge ALL members of the House to reject this defective Bill.We reiterate that this Bill is not right for our young democracy.

We urge that such an important Bill affecting a fundamental right must not be passed by a small minority of the House.

We are not convinced that there is a pressing case for pushing through this controversial Bill and we ask that more thought be given to drafting regulations that are in line with internationally accepted norms.

We ask the Government and Parliament that the emphasis should be on ways of allowing and encouraging our young media to mature in a democracy where rights and duties are equally valued.

So, please, when and if a motion to vote on the Bill, as it stands, is proposed, we urge you to vote NO.

For further information, we attach our detailed objections to the Bill .

THE SOMALILAND FORUM
09-01- 2004

"Somaliland Forum is an independent organisation that brings together the Somaliland Diaspora. We believe in a sovereign, prosperous and independent Somaliland. Working together with Somaliland Communities and, Somaliland friends around the globe, we believe that we can contribute to the betterment and development of the Republic of Somaliland. It is said that a nation's greatest asset is its human resources. Hence, the importance of the contributions of the Somaliland Diaspora."

Should you have any comments, questions or suggestions to make, SLForum Executive Committee will be eager to hear them.

Chairperson: Kaltuun Farah chair@somalilandforum.com
Vice-Chair: Ahmed Jama vice@somalilandforum.com
Secretary: Rashiid Webi secretary@somalilandforum.com
Treasurer: Adan Hirsi treasurer@somalilandforum.com
Member at large: Sayid Mohamed Yusuf xubin@somalilandforum.com

1. We understand that the House of Representatives is currently considering the Somaliland Media Bill. In view of the importance of this law to the fundamental freedoms guaranteed by the Somaliland Constitution, we felt it necessary that we should make our position known to the Parliament, the Government and the public.
2. The Somaliland Forum is not a political association and o ur only interest in this matter is the strengthening of our new democracy. A free, independent and healthy media is essential to this process and we are saddened to see that a Bill which has already been rejected twice before by the House of Representatives is now being seriously considered when, according to our information, it has not undergone any meaningful changes. This Bill is based on the 1992 Ethiopian Press Law which has been subject of considerable criticism in that country and was described as one of the harshest press laws in the world. We should not repeat the mistakes of others.
3. Overall, whilst we are aware of the shortcomings of our young media, and can see some merit in the issues relating to freedom of information, right of reply and the raising of ethical standards, we believe that this law is the not the right vehicle for these issues. We are convinced that this proposed law is likely to demolish the new and promising shoots of our independent press. It is, in our view, contrary to Article 32 of our Constitution (freedom of expression) and goes counter to accepted international norms. We, therefore urge the members of the House of Representative to reject this Bill.
4. Article 2 of the Bill states that the Bill does not just concern the Press in the sense of print journalism (such as newspapers, journals, periodicals), but it also applies to news agencies, radio, television, film, videos, pictures, cartoons, books, music and all mass communication. We believe that this is too wide and if any regulation is needed in these areas, there should be separate laws. In particular , we need urgently a democratic Broadcasting Law that will free up radio and television and make government owned radio truly public and independent of the government. We do not need to add to the considerable restrictions on the freedom of expression that currently exist.
5. Article 3 of the Bill correctly points out that the Press deserves respect and asserts that it should not be oppressed. Unfortunately the remaining provisions of the Bill proceed to do the opposite. Although there are many criminal sanctions against the Press in the Bill, none is aimed at punishing anyone who may oppress the press or infringe journalists' freedom or liberty.
6. Article 4 attempts to list the purposes of the press. We do not think it necessary to do this in a law, because such a list cannot be exhaustive. The press fulfils many functions in a democracy and such a list pre-supposes that if the press does anything not included in this list, it will be held to account.
7. Article 6 introduces a strict registration system run by the State [The Attorney General and the Minister of Information) and all the existing press must register within 90 days of this Law coming into force. This has to be renewed yearly and there are criminal sanctions for non-compliance. Worse, no press activity can take place without this registration (Article 7(g)). The decision whether to register or not is left to these officials. Whilst some form of registration (through an independent body) may be acceptable in international law, this kind of strict control by government officials is tantamount to prior restraint of the press, and has been held to be an unlawful limitation of the freedom of expression.
8. Furthermore, the Attorney General shall be given power under Article 15 to close down any media outlet if he thinks that it is ready to disseminate any "illegal" information which can cause serious damage. Although the matter has to be taken to the Supreme Court (or the Court of Appeal, according to the latest House amendment) within 24 hours, this kind of power given to a Government Officer is unacceptable. There are numerous matters in this Bill and in the Somaliland Penal Code which create criminal offences of varying levels of seriousness, and this law leaves it entirely to the discretion of the Attorney General as to what offences he considers merit the exercise of this draconian pre-emptive power to ban the press.
9. The Articles in the Bill which relate to the powers of the press to obtain information are not controversial, and we welcome the duty imposed on government officials (under Article 19) to co-operate with the press. We would, however, welcome a more detailed freedom of information code of practice or regulations which would ensure open and better access to Government departments at both central and local level.
10. Article 8(5) bans the press from disseminating anything which may be contrary to religion and Islamic Sharia, and, according to a recent amendment, any information "which has been contrived or is partisan". We can understand the concern about issues which are clearly against Islamic principles, but these provisions are not clear-cut and are liable to be misinterpreted. We u nderstand the need for objectivity in reporting, but who is to decide whether any information is contrived, and what is wrong with some information, specially in editorials and opinions, being partisan?
11. So far as disclosure of sources of information is concerned, we accept that this should only be done by a court of law, but we are concerned about the proposal that this can be done in cases where alleged criminal acts have been committed "against government or an individual" (Article 8(6)). Furthermore the provision which allows "a legal body" and not a court to ask a publisher who is subject of legal proceedings (including, presumab ly civil proceedings) to disclose the source of his information is an unacceptable exception to the right of the press to protect its sources.
12. Article 10 puts another obligation on the press to be free from any content which can be seen as amounting to a crime against the peace and public order; or an insult or falsehoods against a person, a community, a district, a region or an institution; or matters which would create conflict between communities, districts etc.; or anything to the detriment of the good relations with other countries, and in particular, our neighbours. There are already criminal laws in the Penal Code which deal with a considerable number of crimes, and we do not think that these additional criminal offences are necessary. Indeed, we would recommend that the Penal Code should be revised so that the numerous crimes which impinge on the freedom of the press are repealed... The concepts of human rights have developed considerably since the Penal Code which was rooted on the Italian 1930s Penal Code was drafted in the early 1960s. For example Articles 451 to 453 of the Penal Code deal with insult, slander and defamation, and other Articles relate to crimes against the state and public officials, which are too many to list, and include even an article (Article 268) which makes illegal insults to a public officer. It is now well accepted internationally that civil laws of defamation should be used in respect of the transgressions of the media and not the criminal law which involves heavy fines and imprisonment.
13. We believe that the long list of issues setting our journalistic ethics in Article 13 is better dealt with in voluntary codes, and not in a law which sets out sanctions for their infringement. Somaliland has now professional press associations and they can deal with these matters themselves. That is the best way of raising standards.
14. We are appalled to see that an amendment to Article 17 proposes to give power to a new censorship committee (consisting of officials of the Ministries of Information, Foreign Affairs, and Religion and the Attorney General's office) to approve or reject the importation of the foreign press products. This was done in the dark Somali dictatorship era and has no place in a democracy. This amendment was not included in the original Bill and neither does it appear in the Ethiop Ethiopian 1992 Press Law. International law dealing with freedom of expression covers both the right to seek and impart information as well as the right to receive information and ideas.
15. As we have already mentioned, we are against the imposition of fines on the press set out in Article 20. In any way, the scope of this Article is not clear and can only lead to further restrictions of the freedom of the press. We are also against the new amendment which introduces a further personal sanction against individual journalists who may be banned from working as journalists for periods ranging from 3 months to 6 months (Article 20(6)).
16. We draw your attention to the fact that Somaliland adheres to the relevant international instruments which deal with freedom of expression, foremost among which are Article 19 of the Universal Declaration on Human Rights, Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and Article 9 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights. We stress that unwarranted controls of the press are not only an infringement of the rights of journalists and the media, but also are a limitation of the Somaliland people's right to receive and impart information and ideas through the media
17. We want to see parliament and the government furthering the freedom of the press and we urge that this Bill be rejected forthwith and that efforts be made to revise all the other laws, which impede the freedom of expression.
18. For more information about Somaliland forum please visit our website at: www.somalilandforum.com

http://www.somalilandlaw.com/SF_Second_Submission_on_Press_Law__090104.htm

SIRAG ARCHIVE