THE COLONEL’S BLUFF
February 17, 2004 - 23:48
A hard-line approach without sound military hardware is a dangerous bluff. Thus, Colonel Abdillahi Youssef’s shrill cry of joy (mashxarad) over the occupation of Las Anod may soon turn into rivers of tears that could be irrigated in the drought stricken areas of Sool.
In December 2003, a group of armed militiamen acting under the command of Colonel Abdillahi Yousef- the absolute ruler of the autonomous provincial administration of Majertenia (now calls itself Puntland)- crossed the border into Somaliland Republic and occupied Las Anod- the regional capital of Sool region. Since Puntland was formed in 1998, the Colonel had always claimed Sool and eastern Sanaag regions that are largely but not exclusively populated by Dhulbahante and Warsangali clans, as his own territories. It is not clear how the Colonel would manage to redraw the century-old colonial boundaries or rewrite the history of these people but what is clear is that the basis of his claims are at best ludicrous and at worst infantile. The basis of the Colonel’s argument is that these people are, by blood or descent, related to the people of Puntland and are together known as Harti. Thus, in his figment of imagination, the Colonel believes that this gives him the automatic right to claim these territories as part and parcel of his own little fiefdom- Puntland. However, the unpalatable truth is that, geographically the people in these territories had, for nearly a century, belonged to Somaliland (the former British Protectorate), which broke away from Somalia in 1991.
In the past, it was not uncommon to see the Colonel’s militia sneaking across the border into Somaliland under the cover of darkness and returning back to their bases in Puntland after a short spell of stay without causing any mischief in the disputed territories. Successive Somaliland governments had a policy of turning a blind eye to these flagrant violations of its territorial integrity ostensibly to avoid an unnecessary military show down with its troublemaker neighbour- Puntland- even though Somaliland had always maintained the military capability to decapitate the Colonel’s ruling apparatus. The idea behind this was that, so long as the local people did not mind the surprise visits paid to their towns by their cousins from Putland and so long as these sneaky visitors were not upsetting the local sensibilities, the Somaliland government didn’t mind to forget about these border violations. However, this approach apparently sent a wrong signal to the Colonel, for he saw this as a weakness on the part of successive Somaliland administrations.
Unopposed and undeterred, the Colonel got emboldened to the extent that he hatched a plot to assassinate the president of Somaliland, Dahir Rayale, who paid a visit to Las Anod at the end of 2002. Escaped by a narrow margin, president Rayale was whisked to Aynabo where a division of combat ready troops waited by, in case something went wrong. But something went terribly wrong yet president Rayale chose, much to the anger and dismay of many Somalilanders, not to order the army to take swift retaliatory measures against his assailants for fear that a lot of innocent people might die in the cross fire between the government troops and its opponents. Friends and foes alike were astonished by the compassion and sense of responsibility displayed by Rayale in restraining his troops not to fire the big guns in anger.
On his return to Hargeisa, the capital of Somaliland, the parliament gave the president the green light to deal a mortal blow to the shaky regime of the strongman of Majertenia. However, Rayale opted instead to impose a state of emergency on the entire region and continued to maintain a policy of non-engagement with the Sool people although critics on both sides of the broader political divide were somewhat divided over the wisdom of that policy. Apart from the state of emergency, both local and presidential elections were also barred from taking place in Sool, thus adding to the woes and isolation of these people.
This latest incursion into Somaliland by Puntland however completely changed the rule of the game. The Colonel’s militias came in from the wilderness with all guns blazing, killing at least three people and kicking all Somaliland government personnel out of their residences and offices. Such callous disregard of Somaliland’s eastern border, which is porous and often unguarded, coupled with the Colonel’s bravado, angered the Hargeisa administration.
This was further compounded by the Colonel’s spur-of-the-moment proclamation in the international media that his militia captured the city of Las Anod by force. Up until now, the Colonel who is famous for his beastliness and intransigence, dismissed calls from friends and lately his benefactor, Ethiopia, to show respect for Somaliland’s boundaries drawn up by British Colonial administration- boundaries considered by the AU as sacrosanct.
Whilst it is true that the people of Sool and eastern Sanaag and the people of Puntland are of the same lineage, it is also true that twice the same number of Issaq and Gadabursi people are living in Ethiopian territories. But, that is not to say, this will give Somaliland the right to claim these territories as its own.
The Colonel’s burning ambition to become the leader of a future government in Somalia is totally incompatible with his ardent but parochial and myopic tribalist posture of promoting the doctrine of Darodism. Neither his ludicrously lineage-based territorial claims is acceptable to any African country where people of the same blood or tribe are divided by artificial boundaries.
Since the inception of Somaliland, the people of Sool were torn between their brethren in Puntland who have nothing to offer to them other than empty avowals of fraternity and a Somaliland government that cannot give them of what they describe as ‘ironclad guarantee of our rights and privileges’ before committing themselves fully to the Somaliland ship of state.
At the moment, Dhulbahante and Warsangali have more than their fair share of representatives in both houses (35 members in total) on top of the administrative and ministerial portfolios.
Many believe that Somaliland can still guarantee to provide Sool people for their fair share of the national cake in terms of financial resources and development projects if they are equally prepared to show their allegiance to Somaliland. It is an open secret that the Garads, religious men and their politicians had participated in all major Somaliland Conferences held in Balligubadleh, Berbera, Burao and Borama and put their signatures to all these agreements. But they dishonoured each and every covenant they have undertaken and callously disregarded all the agreements they have entered into with the rest of clans in Somaliland.
Disintegrated, divided and disorientated, Dhulbahante cannot decide for thirteen years where their interest truly lays. They do not seem to agree on anything other than one thing: that they shouldn’t subscribe to, no matter what, the Issaq dominated state of Somaliland. But that line of argument does not hold water any longer since it became evident that Harti and Gadabursi head all the three major powers of the government namely the Executive, the Supreme Court and the Parliament. The Issaq are no longer in the driving seat of the Somaliland state.
The Colonel’s occupation of Las Anod was facilitated by anti-Somaliland segment of Dhulbahante who are loyal to Puntland. This encouraged the bloodthirsty Colonel to adopt an increasingly belligerent and war-mongering attitude, which is viewed by many throughout Somaliland and the Diaspora as provocative designs calculated to further disrupt and create chaos and confusion in Somaliland at a time the country’s security situation remains precariously on a knife’s edge following the recent spate of gruesome murders committed against western humanitarian relief workers. Others see the Colonel’s outrageous and ludicrous claims to Sool and Sanaag as nothing more than a cynical ploy to effect disturbances in Somaliland, hoping to trigger a heavy handed government response thus spoiling Somaliland’s chances of recognition from the international community. The latter view was reinforced when a cross-party delegation from Britain paid a two-day visit to Somaliland and a subsequent Commons debate regarding Somaliland’s recognition was held in Westminster Hall on 4th February.
Colonel Abdillahi Yusuf had always been a ‘pain in the neck’ in this cross-border issue between Puntland and Somaliland. His militia visited Las Anod before under the pretext of mediating warring sub-clans amongst Dhulbahante. But on each occasion they returned to their bases on their own accord.
Strangely enough, the Colonel began a propaganda campaign by activating all the media resources at his disposal and has blown the issue out of proportions even though he is the aggressor in the eyes of all those who are familiar with the politics of that region. He began to engage in Intifada on the airwaves, emblazoned headlines on the local papers, gave regular interviews to international news agencies, issued press releases and plastered articles staring out of every page and screen on the Net.
If the Colonel’s tactics were to scare off Somaliland government not to come to the aid of Sool people, it certainly produced the opposite results of what he desired. Massive troops have already been deployed in the vicinity of Las Anod and others are being mobilised throughout much of Somaliland for a potential show down with the Colonel’s motley collection of rag tag militia holed up in Las Anod. The Colonel is beginning to see that his megaphone diplomacy is proving counterproductive and self-defeating. As a military man whose tactics was simply confined to shooting from the hip to anyone who stands in his way, he knows this time round that the odds are heavily stacked against him, for he is not militarily up to scratch vis-à-vis Somaliland. His ragtag militia hasn’t got the slightest chance to stand up to the overwhelming military superiority of Somaliland unless of course they are prepared to commit mass suicide.
In a country where its people are more often divided than united, the arrival of the Colonel’s militia in Las Anod was a godsend that miraculously united the Somaliland people- friends and foes alike – firmly behind the President in defending the motherland from the external enemy.
Rayale whose recent controversial visit to Djibouti created furore in Somaliland took advantage of the situation and swiftly tabled a motion before the two Houses in a bid to evict the Colonel’s rag-tag militia out of Sool and teach him as UCID opposition leader, Faisal Ali Warabe put it ‘an unforgettable lesson’ that would serve as an example for those who try in future to infringe the country’s territorial integrity.
The fact that the motion was overwhelmingly passed by both the Parliament and House of Elders sent an unmistakable signal to Puntland and gave President Rayale a free hand to aim for the Colonel’s jugular, if need be, and decapitate his ruling apparatus in Garowe, if deemed necessary.
Apart from the troops that have already been deployed on the eastern front, most of Somaliland’s heavy weaponry including an array of artillery pieces, tanks and multiple rocket launchers have been kept out of sight but are ready to be deployed if the Colonel refuses to budge. Major government buildings in surrounding towns and villages have been evacuated and are being readied for casualties in case of break up of hostilities. Huge consignments of food and medicine are being poured into the eastern front. Columns of commercial tankers carrying fuel are heading for Sool.
These war preparations robbed the Colonel of many nights’ good sleep. It is believed that he sent emissaries to Wardheer and Goday and propagated the message that Majertenia is about to face a devastating attack from her powerful neighbour- Somaliland. According to Somaliland Times, the Ogaden sent some ONLF fighters to Las Anod to reinforce Puntland’s poorly armed ragtag militia holed up in Las Anod as they brace for a hugely devastating attack that might seal the fate of their little fiefdom.
For so long, Somalilander’s intimate knowledge of war and its painful consequences have always been to avert the break up of any hostilities between Puntland and Somaliland but the die seem to be cast now, for the Colonel had crossed a Rubicon.
With the assassination attempt on his life weighing heavily on his mind and enjoying the unstinting support of the whole nation, Rayale is unlikely to flinch from his hard-line approach. His muscle flexing tactics seems to be having an effect on the Colonel as the local people whom the Colonel considered to be their saviour scramble for the Puntland militia to pull out of their territories. Las Anod is in the grip of fear as the Somaliland army dug in its heels within a striking distance, getting ready to flush out the Colonel’s militia.
In a recent BBC interview, the Colonel spoke undiplomatically and hurled toxic rhetorical salvos at Rayale by describing him as a “tool”. The Colonel claimed himself to be a battle hardened man while accusing Rayaale of being a man with NSS background who did not understand much about politics. But the Colonel seems to forget that he is a megalomaniac who ruled his clan-based fiefdom of Majertenia by the barrel of the gun since 1977- a rule punctuated by cold-blooded murders and mysterious disappearances of his own kin and kith. Unlike Rayale, who is a democratically elected president, the Colonel is no more than a chieftain of Harti.
The Colonel who initially appeared to have taken leave of his senses when he undertook this dangerous adventure is slowly but steadily beginning to tone down the frequency of his rhetoric and sabre-rattling that characterised his occupation of Las Anod in the early days. Panic and fear permeated in the file and rank of his militia. Some of them have already fled for fear of their lives and others are pondering their next move as the black cloud of war began looming menacingly on the horizon. Whatever, the situation of those who remain in the town, they are left with no option but to cut and run. At least a senior Puntland militiaman defected to Somaliland recently with several along with ‘technicals’.
The Colonel is beginning to get a sense that a hard-line approach without military sound military hardware is a dangerous bluff that could be called. His shrill cry of joy (mashxarad) might soon turn into rivers of tears that could be irrigated in the drought stricken areas of Sool.
Somaliland will win back what was rightfully its territory, without in the meantime, depriving others from their rights. The Colonel’s reluctance to withdraw all his militia is merely an attempt to avoid ordering his militia back to Garowe- the capital of Puntland- with their heads down in shame as well as saving himself from becoming at the butt of a joke in his fiefdom. But Rayale must take the moral high ground and give the Colonel a face saving exit even though the tyrant of Majertenia had just got ‘too big for his boot’ as Sudi Yalaxow put it and had to be taught an unforgettable lesson.
Jamal Madar
England
adammadar@yahoo.com
SIRAG ARCHIVE
Showing posts with label somaliland constitution. Show all posts
Showing posts with label somaliland constitution. Show all posts
Tuesday, 15 June 2010
It’s Our Curriculum by Somaliland Times
It’s Our Curriculum
EDITORIAL by Somaliland Times
Issue 107 Feb.9-15, 2004
Though Mr. Winston Tubman was appointed more than 2 years ago as the UN Secretary-General’s representative and head of the UN Political Office for Somalia, we will be surprised if the number of Somalilanders who could recognize his name or know about his job exceeded a dozen individuals. It is not only that Somalilanders don't know him, he too does not know Somalilanders or their country for he has never set foot here. That is why it is amazing that someone so removed from our reality would have a say on what our children study.
Somalilanders who are used to unreasonable demands and claims by overpaid and underachieving UN bureaucrats, were shocked by the extent of mean-spiritedness and hostility shown by Mr. Tubman toward them, as evidenced by his letter of Oct 21, 2003 which called for the removal from the Somaliland curriculum of:
- All topics related to the historical background of how Somaliland regained its independence on May 1991
- All the maps showing international boundaries between Somaliland and its neighboring countries as well as such purely physical features as hills and mountains.
One can also detect in Mr. Tubman's letter an implied threat that unless all the unwanted materials are omitted, funds earmarked for printing the school textbooks would be blocked. To justifiy his move, Mr. Tubman claimed that the syllabus of social studies textbook for grade 5 students “advocates for Somaliland’s secessionist policy”, as if he were responsible for the preservation of the unity of Somalia, a state that ceased to exist more than 13 years ago. But even if we assume that Mr. Tubman acted out of genuine concern for Somalia’s unity, it is not a good excuse for depriving Somaliland's children from essential learning tools such as textbooks.
The school kids that Mr. Tubman ostensibly wants to protect from “secessionist infection” could hardly grasp what he means by the term "secession". For these children who were born during the post-liberation and independence era, the once unified Somali republic only existed in history books or in the minds of irrational people like Winston Tubman.
UN bureaucrats could go on deceiving themselves with the fiction that the state of Somalia still exists and Somaliland doesn’t. But they shouldn’t penalize Somalilanders for refusing to accept such fiction. In a country where every new year, thousands of school age children are forced to remain without basic education, mainly due to severe shortages in the number of classrooms and teachers available, it will be an unforgivable crime to deny textbooks to those already enrolled. Perhaps a better policy would be for Mr. Kofi Annan to disband the useless and costly UNPOS. The UN will doubtless save a lot of money if it got rid of Mr Tubman and the UNPOs. It could then spend that money on education in places where it is desperately needed. The salary of Mr Tubman alone could pay for the schooling of hundreds of kids.
SIRAG ARCHIVE
EDITORIAL by Somaliland Times
Issue 107 Feb.9-15, 2004
Though Mr. Winston Tubman was appointed more than 2 years ago as the UN Secretary-General’s representative and head of the UN Political Office for Somalia, we will be surprised if the number of Somalilanders who could recognize his name or know about his job exceeded a dozen individuals. It is not only that Somalilanders don't know him, he too does not know Somalilanders or their country for he has never set foot here. That is why it is amazing that someone so removed from our reality would have a say on what our children study.
Somalilanders who are used to unreasonable demands and claims by overpaid and underachieving UN bureaucrats, were shocked by the extent of mean-spiritedness and hostility shown by Mr. Tubman toward them, as evidenced by his letter of Oct 21, 2003 which called for the removal from the Somaliland curriculum of:
- All topics related to the historical background of how Somaliland regained its independence on May 1991
- All the maps showing international boundaries between Somaliland and its neighboring countries as well as such purely physical features as hills and mountains.
One can also detect in Mr. Tubman's letter an implied threat that unless all the unwanted materials are omitted, funds earmarked for printing the school textbooks would be blocked. To justifiy his move, Mr. Tubman claimed that the syllabus of social studies textbook for grade 5 students “advocates for Somaliland’s secessionist policy”, as if he were responsible for the preservation of the unity of Somalia, a state that ceased to exist more than 13 years ago. But even if we assume that Mr. Tubman acted out of genuine concern for Somalia’s unity, it is not a good excuse for depriving Somaliland's children from essential learning tools such as textbooks.
The school kids that Mr. Tubman ostensibly wants to protect from “secessionist infection” could hardly grasp what he means by the term "secession". For these children who were born during the post-liberation and independence era, the once unified Somali republic only existed in history books or in the minds of irrational people like Winston Tubman.
UN bureaucrats could go on deceiving themselves with the fiction that the state of Somalia still exists and Somaliland doesn’t. But they shouldn’t penalize Somalilanders for refusing to accept such fiction. In a country where every new year, thousands of school age children are forced to remain without basic education, mainly due to severe shortages in the number of classrooms and teachers available, it will be an unforgivable crime to deny textbooks to those already enrolled. Perhaps a better policy would be for Mr. Kofi Annan to disband the useless and costly UNPOS. The UN will doubtless save a lot of money if it got rid of Mr Tubman and the UNPOs. It could then spend that money on education in places where it is desperately needed. The salary of Mr Tubman alone could pay for the schooling of hundreds of kids.
SIRAG ARCHIVE
Monday, 14 June 2010
Puntland`s Suicidal Miscalculations by Ibrahim Hassan Gagale
Puntland`s Suicidal Miscalculations
Since the proclamation of what is least known as Puntland in 1998, the claim of Sool and Sanaag regions of Somaliland remained at lip service before December 2003. The timing of Las Anod`s invasion at the end of December was sucidal political miscalculasions based
on misinformation fed to Col. Abdullahi Youssuf by his secret informants from the beginning of Somaliland`s presidential election results of April 2003. These secret informants have been falsely telling Col. Abdullahi Youssuf that the results of the presidential elections have bitterly divided Somaliland people between west and east, and as a result of that, the government has become weak and the armed forces have disintegrated. Basing his decision on this unfounded information in Somaliland and taking advantage of current Somali Peace Talks in Kenya for convenience, the hawkish dictator, Colonel Abdullahi Youssuf, saw no better time than now to invade Las Anod. The tyrant of Garowe made a devastating mistake by failing to understand that the national unity and territorial integrity of any nation is far above democratic political differences and views, and Somaliland`s government and people are entirely united and committed to defend the sanctity of national unity and territorial integrity of Somaliland Republic.
The current border between Somaliland and Somalia was drawn during colonial times between British Somaliland Protectorate and Somali Italian colony. Likewise, all African borders had been drawn by colonial powers and today, the sovereignty and diplomatic recognition of any African state or country depend on its colonial borders. These borders are also recognized by African Union, United Nations as well as the international community. There are no tribal borders but there are internationally recognized national and territorial borders in this world. The border between Somaliland and Somalia is not different from that passing between Kenya and Tanzania. Through out Africa, same clans
inhabit at least in two or more different countries.
Good examples of these clans are:
-Fulani: inhabits Sudan, Senegal, and Cameron.
-Hausa: inhabits in Nigeria and Niger.
-Yoruba: inhabits in Nigeria and Benin.
-Bobo: inhabits in Burkino Faso and Mali.
-Maasai: inhabits in Kenya and Tanzania.
-Berbers: inhabits Morocco, Tunisia, Algeria etc.
-Issak: inhabit in Somaliland, Ethiopia, Djibouti,
and Kenya.
-Hawiye: inhabits Somalia, Ethiopia, and Kenya.
-Darod: inhabits in Somaliland, Somalia, Ethiopia, and
kenya.
-Samaroon: inhabits Somaliland, Ethiopia, and
Djibouti.
-Issa: inhabits in Djibouti, Ethiopia, and Somaliland.
Each part of these clans share legitimacy of sovereignty, country, border, and government with their respective states. It is internationally unlawful and unjustifiable, too, that Somaliland Republic invades Djibouti and seizes the lands inhabited by Issaks and Samaroons claiming that they are associated with it by lineage. Thereof, Puntland`s Administration has no right at all to claim Sool on the mere basis of lineage and non-existing tribal border. Thus, its cross-border attacks against Somaliland Republic are open aggression.
With the temporary fall of Las Anod, Col. Abdulllahi Youssuf is now bragging to the delegates of Somali Peace talks in Kenya that he captured important region from Somaliland, Sool, and promising to seize the rest of Somaliland and bring it back to Somalia in order to score political points for bargaining Somalia`s presidency.
When foreign forces invade a country and defy international calls to withdraw from it immediatley, war is the only option, surrender is not an option. President Riyale must prepare himself for a war president and prepare the nation for a war. Somaliland Republic must direct all its resources toward the defense of the motherland and make Col.
Abdullahi Youssuf and his ficious militia taste the lethal weapons of Somaliland Armed Forces as soon as possible to liberate Las Anod and rescue its residents from the killings, illegal imprisonments, torture, and curfew by Puntland`s brutal militia. Somaliland must
take the war to Bosaso to cut off the life line from Col. Abdullahi Youssuf and his militia, and to Garowe to destroy his headquarters. This will also help the people of Majeerteenia to liberate themselves from the cannibal, Col. Abdullahi Youssuf.
If the current government of Somaliland fails, hope won`t, to expel Puntland`s militia from Somaliland immediately, then the people of Somaliland must replace it with better government that is adamantly committed to defend the sanctity of national unity and
territorial integrity of Somaliland. It is well known that war causes death and destruction, but it must be welcome when one`s existence is threatened.
Written by: Ibrahim Hassan Gagale
e-mail: Ibrahim_hg@yahoo.com
January 14, 2004.
SIRAG ARCHIVE
Since the proclamation of what is least known as Puntland in 1998, the claim of Sool and Sanaag regions of Somaliland remained at lip service before December 2003. The timing of Las Anod`s invasion at the end of December was sucidal political miscalculasions based
on misinformation fed to Col. Abdullahi Youssuf by his secret informants from the beginning of Somaliland`s presidential election results of April 2003. These secret informants have been falsely telling Col. Abdullahi Youssuf that the results of the presidential elections have bitterly divided Somaliland people between west and east, and as a result of that, the government has become weak and the armed forces have disintegrated. Basing his decision on this unfounded information in Somaliland and taking advantage of current Somali Peace Talks in Kenya for convenience, the hawkish dictator, Colonel Abdullahi Youssuf, saw no better time than now to invade Las Anod. The tyrant of Garowe made a devastating mistake by failing to understand that the national unity and territorial integrity of any nation is far above democratic political differences and views, and Somaliland`s government and people are entirely united and committed to defend the sanctity of national unity and territorial integrity of Somaliland Republic.
The current border between Somaliland and Somalia was drawn during colonial times between British Somaliland Protectorate and Somali Italian colony. Likewise, all African borders had been drawn by colonial powers and today, the sovereignty and diplomatic recognition of any African state or country depend on its colonial borders. These borders are also recognized by African Union, United Nations as well as the international community. There are no tribal borders but there are internationally recognized national and territorial borders in this world. The border between Somaliland and Somalia is not different from that passing between Kenya and Tanzania. Through out Africa, same clans
inhabit at least in two or more different countries.
Good examples of these clans are:
-Fulani: inhabits Sudan, Senegal, and Cameron.
-Hausa: inhabits in Nigeria and Niger.
-Yoruba: inhabits in Nigeria and Benin.
-Bobo: inhabits in Burkino Faso and Mali.
-Maasai: inhabits in Kenya and Tanzania.
-Berbers: inhabits Morocco, Tunisia, Algeria etc.
-Issak: inhabit in Somaliland, Ethiopia, Djibouti,
and Kenya.
-Hawiye: inhabits Somalia, Ethiopia, and Kenya.
-Darod: inhabits in Somaliland, Somalia, Ethiopia, and
kenya.
-Samaroon: inhabits Somaliland, Ethiopia, and
Djibouti.
-Issa: inhabits in Djibouti, Ethiopia, and Somaliland.
Each part of these clans share legitimacy of sovereignty, country, border, and government with their respective states. It is internationally unlawful and unjustifiable, too, that Somaliland Republic invades Djibouti and seizes the lands inhabited by Issaks and Samaroons claiming that they are associated with it by lineage. Thereof, Puntland`s Administration has no right at all to claim Sool on the mere basis of lineage and non-existing tribal border. Thus, its cross-border attacks against Somaliland Republic are open aggression.
With the temporary fall of Las Anod, Col. Abdulllahi Youssuf is now bragging to the delegates of Somali Peace talks in Kenya that he captured important region from Somaliland, Sool, and promising to seize the rest of Somaliland and bring it back to Somalia in order to score political points for bargaining Somalia`s presidency.
When foreign forces invade a country and defy international calls to withdraw from it immediatley, war is the only option, surrender is not an option. President Riyale must prepare himself for a war president and prepare the nation for a war. Somaliland Republic must direct all its resources toward the defense of the motherland and make Col.
Abdullahi Youssuf and his ficious militia taste the lethal weapons of Somaliland Armed Forces as soon as possible to liberate Las Anod and rescue its residents from the killings, illegal imprisonments, torture, and curfew by Puntland`s brutal militia. Somaliland must
take the war to Bosaso to cut off the life line from Col. Abdullahi Youssuf and his militia, and to Garowe to destroy his headquarters. This will also help the people of Majeerteenia to liberate themselves from the cannibal, Col. Abdullahi Youssuf.
If the current government of Somaliland fails, hope won`t, to expel Puntland`s militia from Somaliland immediately, then the people of Somaliland must replace it with better government that is adamantly committed to defend the sanctity of national unity and
territorial integrity of Somaliland. It is well known that war causes death and destruction, but it must be welcome when one`s existence is threatened.
Written by: Ibrahim Hassan Gagale
e-mail: Ibrahim_hg@yahoo.com
January 14, 2004.
SIRAG ARCHIVE
Somaliland's Sovereignty is Right
Somaliland's Sovereignty is Right
Republic of Somaliland declared its sovereignty from Somalia in (1991 ) and have became separate country since. From the time of proclamation till now although Somaliland was not recognized internationally but its un-deniable that some countries had indirectly recognized Somaliland for its longstanding efforts of being separate nation from the so-called failed state of Somalia.
Some people always use wrong and invalid words when they are posting Somaliland's news, they comment Somaliland's position negatively with the help of un suitable words such as ( secession, breaking away and etc). Somaliland is not breaking away or seceding from it's mother country but its withdrawing an illegal tragic partnership union shared with the neighbouring country Somalia, Somaliland's separate administration is legitimate and has aright to plan its future as it was said that every nation has aright to think it's future ( Ummad waliba aayeheeda inay garato iyadaa leh).
Another invalid claim is that some people wrongly believe that the Somali regions Somaliland, Somalia, Djibouti, N/East Kenya, Ogadenia, Hawd and Reserve Area had unity before the European entry in Somali soil, but that is wrong consensus and belief, before European colonies Somaliland had its own traditional leaders while Somalia and other Somalia parts had their own sultanates and chiefs, The different five Somali regions did not share any form of administration whether it is Sultanates, chief-leaderships, regional
administrations or governments before European invaders (1886 ) so it is normal and aright step if Somali people form two governments Somaliland and Somalia as before to achieve peaceful solutions and any sayings oppose this is going to be meaningless at this current time.
The first invalid and incoherent share of administration took place in 1960 after when Somaliland and Somalia illegally united, that union took place with no legal formalities, and also there was no written agreement signed by the two sides, so that Somalia's claim of opposing Somaliland's developments and sovereignty displays their betraying double standard delusions, on one side they are saying unification, co-operation and respecting the rights of Somali people is considered and on the other side they were reviling and violating the solidarity between the two countries when they intentionally took all the top posts of government institutions, the worst cases happened in the period of the Darod government which started execution, massacre ,land expansion, destructing Somaliland cities, settling illegally the people from Ogadenia in Somaliland's regions (1978-1991),from that time Siad's regime did every thing to promote Daaroodism administration, he decided to decided to settle the Ogaden who live in Ethiopia in Somaliland's cities and rural areas to repress and displace Somaliland people and after when the holy struggle started in 1988 that regime continued it's displacement towards Somaliland citizens and the mentioned people have been encouraged to take over the remains of Somalilander shops and houses thus those who were received as foreign refugee or guests have supplanted their Somaliland hosts in 1979-91.
Somaliland people wholeheartedly united with Somalia, but that union and solidarity was not based on written agreement and endorsement, Somalilanders with their definite land ,historical facts, and twelve years of stability with a remarkable democratic institutions and government should favour an international recognition.
If Its tried like some African and Arab governments to force Somaliland once more into a union with Somalia ,a course of action almost certain to open anew chapter in the Somalia conflicts. Somaliland completed all the important conditions for an existing nation, the referendum on constitution and independence ,technically well arranged elections at both municipal and national level and the establishment of the current government through popular vote puts the facts existing in the country un ignorable. How ever, Somaliland government should expand the government administration towards the eastern districts of Sool and Sanaag and take careful purpose or step to put an end the Majeerteenia's interference against Somaliland. Cornel Abdullahi Yusuf's self declared regional administration called Puntland controls only two regions inhabited by his clan, i.e., Bari (Bossaso) and Nugaal (Garowe),he established in these two regions dictatorial based administration, there is no freedom of speech and press in these cities Bosaso and Garawe, the people is being suffocated and the power is taken by gun point from Jama Ali Jama (an elected reg. administration).Majeerteenia's claim of being administering the eastern districts of Sool and Sanaag (Somaliland ) and the Mudug region of Somalia is not based on legal facts.
Eastern Sool and Eastern Sanaag districts are constituted by Somaliland while Mudug region of Somalia is inhabited by other clans (Dir & Hawiye).and considering separate administration for their Mudug region in the forthcoming times .Somaliland government should argue world leaders to recognise Somaliland and consider the hard work and the efforts the people of Somaliland have shown in rebuilding their devastated cities, towns, and rural areas from the ashes devoid of any outside support.
Writer, Ahmed Iid Aadan
ahmediid@hotmail.com
August 22,2003
A Short Note To The Ministers Of Defence And Internal Affairs
A Short Note To The Ministers Of Defence And Internal Affairs
A. Mohamed Ali Hashi (Dhimbil), Ottawa
Forces loyal to the tyrant Abdullahi Yusuf, and under his direct instructions, attacked the symbol of this Republic's national sovereignty, the person of the President. This attack represents the failure of the tyrant Abdullahi Yusuf to convince the people of Sool to live in tyranny. This is the fundamental reason why the tyrant Abdullahi Yusuf attacked the constitutionally elected President of this Republic and the Commander in Chief of the Armed forces of this country whose mission was one of dialogue and discussion with the great people of Sool and their leaders. While the President Of this Republic represents the forces of dialogue and discussion towards a democratic dispensation for this country, the tyrant Abdillahi Yusuf presides over a recurrent and never ending civil war in Puntland. Indeed, Somaliland and its people have welcomed refugees from Puntland and its capital Garowe several times, showing their brethren that they hold no grudges and indeed have a responsibility to help their neighbours. The decent people of Puntland know that the people and Government of Somaliland are their eternal friends and are ready to help in confronting tyranny in Puntland, which is indeed a clear and present danger for this Republic.
The tyrant Abdillahi Yusuf wishes war and the unacceptable and horrid cycle of death and destruction, which has marked the life and times this self-styled Idi Amin of the Horn. The people of Puntland have repeatedly chased him away from their towns and hamlets only for the tyrant to return with his tidings from the dark side. Like an evil and dark warlord the tyrant Abdullahi Yusuf now has designs on the destroying the march of progress and democracy in this Republic.
The Government of Somaliland must not fall into this evil trap set by an evil tyrant who represents the forces of darkness and regression. The Government of this Republic must not fall into the trap of those who advocate a battle with the forces of the tyrant Abdillahi Yusuf. The tyrant wants us to suspend the constitution, call for ruling by decree, and the cancellation of the coming elections in this republic. In a word, the tyrant wishes to destroy democracy and the republic as a clearing path for the rise of a new dictator. These are the intentions of this dictator and we must not fall into this trap. By besmirching our hard-won peace, by creating suspicion, by whispering gossip and innuendo, the hypocrisy of the tyrant Abdullahi Yusuf will never win. We in Somaliland stand for the opposite of these evil intentions of the tyrant Abdullahi Yusuf. We stand for Republicanism, Democracy, Decency, and the Rule of Law.
The people of the Republic of Somaliland, The government of this Republic, will defend democracy in Somaliland by securing the rights of the border of the Republic. The former constitutional and home Affairs Minister of The Republic of Kenya was once asked about the great people of the Somali Frontier District and their rights as Somali-speaking people whose choice was to join the former Somali Republic. Charles Njonjo replied, "They should pack their camels and go!" This must never be the position of the government, for the means never justify the ends. However, we must recognize that there has been a fundamental attack on the sovereignty of this country. When Sadaam Hussein and Muamar Ghadafi thought of harming Presidents Bush and Reagan, bombs fell into their bedrooms. This shows the gravity of the Situation. I therefore call on these policy changes given the designs of the tyrant Abdullahi Yusuf.
SIRAG ARCHIVE
A. Mohamed Ali Hashi (Dhimbil), Ottawa
Forces loyal to the tyrant Abdullahi Yusuf, and under his direct instructions, attacked the symbol of this Republic's national sovereignty, the person of the President. This attack represents the failure of the tyrant Abdullahi Yusuf to convince the people of Sool to live in tyranny. This is the fundamental reason why the tyrant Abdullahi Yusuf attacked the constitutionally elected President of this Republic and the Commander in Chief of the Armed forces of this country whose mission was one of dialogue and discussion with the great people of Sool and their leaders. While the President Of this Republic represents the forces of dialogue and discussion towards a democratic dispensation for this country, the tyrant Abdillahi Yusuf presides over a recurrent and never ending civil war in Puntland. Indeed, Somaliland and its people have welcomed refugees from Puntland and its capital Garowe several times, showing their brethren that they hold no grudges and indeed have a responsibility to help their neighbours. The decent people of Puntland know that the people and Government of Somaliland are their eternal friends and are ready to help in confronting tyranny in Puntland, which is indeed a clear and present danger for this Republic.
The tyrant Abdillahi Yusuf wishes war and the unacceptable and horrid cycle of death and destruction, which has marked the life and times this self-styled Idi Amin of the Horn. The people of Puntland have repeatedly chased him away from their towns and hamlets only for the tyrant to return with his tidings from the dark side. Like an evil and dark warlord the tyrant Abdullahi Yusuf now has designs on the destroying the march of progress and democracy in this Republic.
The Government of Somaliland must not fall into this evil trap set by an evil tyrant who represents the forces of darkness and regression. The Government of this Republic must not fall into the trap of those who advocate a battle with the forces of the tyrant Abdillahi Yusuf. The tyrant wants us to suspend the constitution, call for ruling by decree, and the cancellation of the coming elections in this republic. In a word, the tyrant wishes to destroy democracy and the republic as a clearing path for the rise of a new dictator. These are the intentions of this dictator and we must not fall into this trap. By besmirching our hard-won peace, by creating suspicion, by whispering gossip and innuendo, the hypocrisy of the tyrant Abdullahi Yusuf will never win. We in Somaliland stand for the opposite of these evil intentions of the tyrant Abdullahi Yusuf. We stand for Republicanism, Democracy, Decency, and the Rule of Law.
The people of the Republic of Somaliland, The government of this Republic, will defend democracy in Somaliland by securing the rights of the border of the Republic. The former constitutional and home Affairs Minister of The Republic of Kenya was once asked about the great people of the Somali Frontier District and their rights as Somali-speaking people whose choice was to join the former Somali Republic. Charles Njonjo replied, "They should pack their camels and go!" This must never be the position of the government, for the means never justify the ends. However, we must recognize that there has been a fundamental attack on the sovereignty of this country. When Sadaam Hussein and Muamar Ghadafi thought of harming Presidents Bush and Reagan, bombs fell into their bedrooms. This shows the gravity of the Situation. I therefore call on these policy changes given the designs of the tyrant Abdullahi Yusuf.
- The creation of a security zone between our Somaliland and Somalia, to keep out attacks of any kind. Preferably a 5-10 kilometre buffer zone with critical checks.
- Creation of a special security force in charge of the border under the Ministers of Defence and Internal Affairs, including the Chief of Intelligence. The chief of Intelligence must create an early warning system group so that intelligence flows are current and ready so that the President can make informed decisions.
- A re-assessment of the security procedures and responsibilities of those in charge of the security of this country;
- The officers in charge of the Armed Forces must provide detailed policy ideas on how to deploy actively this new border response force;
- A re-assessment of the entire security system of the country and how best to use our meagre resources and finally;
- A national security committee comprised of those responsible cabinet Ministers who can call the shots and respond to these kinds of issues chaired by the President.
SIRAG ARCHIVE
AN APPEAL TO THE HONOURABLE MEMBERS OF THE SOMALILAND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES NOT TO PASS THE PRESS BILL
09.01.04
REF: SLF/EC/29/2003-2/04
AN APPEAL TO THE HONOURABLE MEMBERS OF THE
SLF/EC/29/2003-2004
The House has been discussing recently again the Press Bill, which has been submitted to the House on various occasions since 1997. We understand that the Bill will now be put to a vote on Saturday this week or shortly afterwards.
We have expressed our opposition to Bill twice in the last few years, and we have given detailed reasons for our objections last year in July 2003. No meaningful changes have been made to the Bill, and there are even reports that the 1997 version may be re-submitted for the final vote.
We strongly urge ALL members of the House to reject this defective Bill.We reiterate that this Bill is not right for our young democracy.
We urge that such an important Bill affecting a fundamental right must not be passed by a small minority of the House.
We are not convinced that there is a pressing case for pushing through this controversial Bill and we ask that more thought be given to drafting regulations that are in line with internationally accepted norms.
We ask the Government and Parliament that the emphasis should be on ways of allowing and encouraging our young media to mature in a democracy where rights and duties are equally valued.
So, please, when and if a motion to vote on the Bill, as it stands, is proposed, we urge you to vote NO.
For further information, we attach our detailed objections to the Bill .
THE
09-01- 2004
"Somaliland Forum is an independent organisation that brings together the Somaliland Diaspora. We believe in a sovereign, prosperous and independent
Should you have any comments, questions or suggestions to make, SLForum Executive Committee will be eager to hear them.
Chairperson: Kaltuun Farah chair@somalilandforum.com
Vice-Chair: Ahmed Jama vice@somalilandforum.com
Secretary: Rashiid Webi secretary@somalilandforum.com
Treasurer: Adan Hirsi treasurer@somalilandforum.com
Member at large: Sayid Mohamed Yusuf xubin@somalilandforum.com
- We understand that the House of Representatives is currently considering the Somaliland Media Bill. In view of the importance of this law to the fundamental freedoms guaranteed by the Somaliland Constitution, we felt it necessary that we should make our position known to the Parliament, the Government and the public.
- The Somaliland Forum is not a political association and o
- Overall, whilst we are aware of the shortcomings of our young media, and can see some merit in the issues relating to freedom of information, right of reply and the raising of ethical standards, we believe that this law is the not the right vehicle for these issues. We are convinced that this proposed law is likely to demolish the new and promising shoots of our independent press. It is, in our view, contrary to Article 32 of our Constitution (freedom of expression) and goes counter to accepted international norms. We, therefore urge the members of the House of Representative to reject this Bill.
- Article 2 of the Bill states that the Bill does not just concern the Press in the sense of print journalism (such as newspapers, journals, periodicals), but it also applies to news agencies, radio, television, film, videos, pictures, cartoons, books, music and all mass communication. We believe that this is too wide and if any regulation is needed in these areas, there should be separate laws. In particular , we need urgently a democratic Broadcasting Law that will free up radio and television and make government owned radio truly public and independent of the government. We do not need to add to the considerable restrictions on the freedom of expression that currently exist.
- Article 3 of the Bill correctly points out that the Press deserves respect and asserts that it should not be oppressed. Unfortunately the remaining provisions of the Bill proceed to do the opposite. Although there are many criminal sanctions against the Press in the Bill, none is aimed at punishing anyone who may oppress the press or infringe journalists' freedom or liberty.
- Article 4 attempts to list the purposes of the press. We do not think it necessary to do this in a law, because such a list cannot be exhaustive. The press fulfils many functions in a democracy and such a list pre-supposes that if the press does anything not included in this list, it will be held to account.
- Article 6 introduces a strict registration system run by the State [The Attorney General and the Minister of Information) and all the existing press must register within 90 days of this Law coming into force. This has to be renewed yearly and there are criminal sanctions for non-compliance. Worse, no press activity can take place without this registration (Article 7(g)). The decision whether to register or not is left to these officials. Whilst some form of registration (through an independent body) may be acceptable in international law, this kind of strict control by government officials is tantamount to prior restraint of the press, and has been held to be an unlawful limitation of the freedom of expression.
- Furthermore, the Attorney General shall be given power under Article 15 to close down any media outlet if he thinks that it is ready to disseminate any "illegal" information which can cause serious damage. Although the matter has to be taken to the Supreme Court (or the Court of Appeal, according to the latest House amendment) within 24 hours, this kind of power given to a Government Officer is unacceptable. There are numerous matters in this Bill and in the Somaliland Penal Code which create criminal offences of varying levels of seriousness, and this law leaves it entirely to the discretion of the Attorney General as to what offences he considers merit the exercise of this draconian pre-emptive power to ban the press.
- The Articles in the Bill which relate to the powers of the press to obtain information are not controversial, and we welcome the duty imposed on government officials (under Article 19) to co-operate with the press. We would, however, welcome a more detailed freedom of information code of practice or regulations which would ensure open and better access to Government departments at both central and local level.
- Article 8(5) bans the press from disseminating anything which may be contrary to religion and Islamic Sharia, and, according to a recent amendment, any information "which has been contrived or is partisan". We can understand the concern about issues which are clearly against Islamic principles, but these provisions are not clear-cut and are liable to be misinterpreted. We u nderstand the need for objectivity in reporting, but who is to decide whether any information is contrived, and what is wrong with some information, specially in editorials and opinions, being partisan?
- So far as disclosure of sources of information is concerned, we accept that this should only be done by a court of law, but we are concerned about the proposal that this can be done in cases where alleged criminal acts have been committed "against government or an individual" (Article 8(6)). Furthermore the provision which allows "a legal body" and not a court to ask a publisher who is subject of legal proceedings (including, presumab ly civil proceedings) to disclose the source of his information is an unacceptable exception to the right of the press to protect its sources.
- Article 10 puts another obligation on the press to be free from any content which can be seen as amounting to a crime against the peace and public order; or an insult or falsehoods against a person, a community, a district, a region or an institution; or matters which would create conflict between communities, districts etc.; or anything to the detriment of the good relations with other countries, and in particular, our neighbours. There are already criminal laws in the Penal Code which deal with a considerable number of crimes, and we do not think that these additional criminal offences are necessary. Indeed, we would recommend that the Penal Code should be revised so that the numerous crimes which impinge on the freedom of the press are repealed... The concepts of human rights have developed considerably since the Penal Code which was rooted on the Italian 1930s Penal Code was drafted in the early 1960s. For example Articles 451 to 453 of the Penal Code deal with insult, slander and defamation, and other Articles relate to crimes against the state and public officials, which are too many to list, and include even an article (Article 268) which makes illegal insults to a public officer. It is now well accepted internationally that civil laws of defamation should be used in respect of the transgressions of the media and not the criminal law which involves heavy fines and imprisonment.
- We believe that the long list of issues setting our journalistic ethics in Article 13 is better dealt with in voluntary codes, and not in a law which sets out sanctions for their infringement.
- We are appalled to see that an amendment to Article 17 proposes to give power to a new censorship committee (consisting of officials of the Ministries of Information, Foreign Affairs, and Religion and the Attorney General's office) to approve or reject the importation of the foreign press products. This was done in the dark Somali dictatorship era and has no place in a democracy. This amendment was not included in the original Bill and neither does it appear in the Ethiop Ethiopian 1992 Press Law. International law dealing with freedom of expression covers both the right to seek and impart information as well as the right to receive information and ideas.
- As we have already mentioned, we are against the imposition of fines on the press set out in Article 20. In any way, the scope of this Article is not clear and can only lead to further restrictions of the freedom of the press. We are also against the new amendment which introduces a further personal sanction against individual journalists who may be banned from working as journalists for periods ranging from 3 months to 6 months (Article 20(6)).
- We draw your attention to the fact that
- We want to see parliament and the government furthering the freedom of the press and we urge that this Bill be rejected forthwith and that efforts be made to revise all the other laws, which impede the freedom of expression.
- For more information about
SIRAG ARCHIVE
DROP THE PRESS BILL
Awdal Editor's View: DROP THE PRESS BILL
Call it what you may, responsible or not so responsible, objective or not so objective, accurate or not so accurate, sensational or hardcore truth, the undeniable fact in Somaliland today is that there is a vibrant and vigorous journalism, one of the positive windfalls of the collapse of the former Somali dictatorial regime.
Somaliland has won its freedom through a long, painful and torturous road and freedom of expression is one of the most valued and most cherished fruits of such hard labor. From the first conference of reconciliation held in Buroa in 1991 through the turbulent years that followed and up to our present rough road to democracy, the press has always been there to witness, record, evaluate, interpret, censure, expose, inspire, entertain, agitate and articulate our issues.
Like any burgeoning press in any young democracy, our press has its glitches, its setbacks, its mistakes and mess ups, its moods and motivations which may sometimes look a little outstretched or out of step with traditional standards of journalism based on objectivity, accuracy, fair consideration of rival views and counter-evidence and abiding by journalistic ethics, though no two journalists would ever be able to see eye-to-eye as what is to be considered as ethical and not ethical.
Many critics accuse Somaliland journalism of being slanderous, rumor-pedaling, seditious, divisive and saturated with clannish sentiments which they claim has turned it into a battleground for settling scores and exchanging personal vendettas. Well, one may ask, don’t all these ills exist in the society and what are journalists supposed to do, bury their heads in the sand like ostrich and pretend that they didn’t see? Journalists don’t invent stories, they only report what they see, know or have been told by their various sources. Also in the absence of interest groups, pressure groups and corporate culture, isn’t it rather unfair to expect the journalists to behave like angels when everyone else sings to the tune of the clan.
Another important thing to note is that Somaliland journalism is not a categorized journalism. We don’t have political journals, entertainment and sports magazines, commercial bulletins, gossip and scandal tabloids and journals on other specialized and professional fields. The existing few dailies and weeklies have to struggle to cramp all these issues into their limited pages and under difficult circumstances. They strive to satisfy the information needs of all the sectors of the society both locally and abroad with their meager resources and one has to admit that until now they have done it with great vigor and admirable dedication.
It is natural that in a country that doesn’t own the exact ingredients for tantalizing social news such celebrity scandals that our few papers have to focus on the only people that are news worthy- the politicians. In a country where there are no Michael Jacksons, no Madonnas, no David Beckhams, no scandal-ridden wealth-saddled Hollywood stars, no Monica Lewinskys, O.J. Simpsons or even terrorist bombers, the press should obviously and rightly focus on issues that relate directly to the people’s daily life. And who is more than politicians touch the daily life of the Somaliland citizen. They are our celebrities, sources of corruption and scandal, generators of good news and bad news and should bear the brunt of bad press, scathing commentaries and angry op-eds. Our free press is the only good thing we have gained since we have restored our sovereignty, to lose it is to lose the essence of our existence and to return the darkness of the tyrannical era.
We tell our Legislature as they debate the press bill which they seem so adamant to pass; no matter what you do, Somaliland presses will not be intimidated into glossing over your follies, your corruption and your scandals. It will be there at your doorstep watching every move you make as long as you hold a public position.
We say it loud so that the Parliament can hear: Drop the press bill. Freedom of expression is here to stay.
http://www.awdalnews.com/wmview.php?ArtID=2125
Press Release - The Media Bill if passed will block Our Recognition & Threaten Our Emerging Democracy
Press Release - The Media Bill if passed will block Our Recognition & Threaten Our Emerging Democracy
The Republic of Somaliland’s right to Freedom of Speech is Under Attack. The Media Bill is not only a threat to our emerging democracy but it will also block our quest for recognition. We must listen to the voice of the International community who have already expressed their concerns on this issue and will be monitoring the outcome of this bill.
Freedom of speech and a free press is a fundamental tool not only for our infant democracy but any true democracy. Every Somalilander who cares about the role of a free, independent and diverse press must be encouraged to draw his/her attention to this critical bill which will affect the future generations of Somaliland. Independent media relies on all of us which means that our support does count 100%.
We should not forget that Somaliland’s quest for democracy has been achieved as a result of free dissemination of information and free press. Any legislation passed to restrict freedom of speech of expression and dissemination of information will only create a state controlled media. This is a disaster for our nation’s young democracy.
Independent Media is one of the cornerstone of a true democracy which promotes good governance at all levels be it at local, national or global. If the government interferes or even tries to influence how media is controlled conflict of interest will set in with the possibility of corruption taking place. This is a recipe for a disaster.
Most of the Somalilanders living in the Diaspora use the internet for dissemination of information. Now what will be the implications if this legislation is passed. It will create a class division within our public where those who have the money to access the internet will be able to have more informed news at their disposal while the poor average person who can not afford the internet will rely on information that have been censored. This alone poses a threat to the fundamental human rights of the citizens living in Somaliland who would feel that their rights to freedom of expression and free press have been violated.
The general role of the media as an independent institution is to inform the public and foster debates. However, there will be challenges for the media in terms of realizing their potential as government watchdogs to increase transparency and accountability yet act as champions of public interest. A role that is very difficult even for developed nations to achieve.
The media’s role in stimulating democratic participation and protecting public interest is a challenge for the government if they are to engage the public interest in this area. For this the government of the Republic of Somaliland must support independent media that can also help them become accountable to their citizens in order to advance economic and political development of the country. However, in saying that promoting free and independent media also requires appropriate legislative and regulatory mechanisms specific to the media sector only and fully independent of the government. This will strengthen institutions (for example the judiciary ) whose existence can only improve media freedom. We hope the government explores strategies to address this.
With the development of the Internet Somaliland’s Media will bring new opportunities for our pastoral culture who are inspiring to be part of this noble technology . The poem below by poet Yuusuf Xiito taken from draft published by Academy for Peace and Development,“ The Role Of The Media In Political Reconstruction” explains how information plays an integral part of the daily lives of the Somaliland pastoral nation. What is more interesting is also that the poet states “Poetry once played the role of the media; a popular tool for discussion and critical analysis of political, philosophical, economical and social issues. That role has since been taken by other media sectors and the poets have gone without the least recognition.” This means that the poet is aware of how poetry needs to catch up with this new technology an opportunity and a challenge both for the media and the government to be tap into to promote media inclusion and diversity for 21st century democracy.
The poem:
“On top of the mountains,
On the waters of the rivers and sea,
And in all over the world,
From the east to the west,
In Latin America and Europe,
Where knowledge and education is a priority,
And where the first pages of the newspapers,
And in the world of the Internet,
Where countries are interconnected,
Yes amazed you will be,
In this audio-visual world,
After all it is a world that feeds the Public”
To sum it, a diverse press is the watchdog that will protect the integrity of our Constitutional process. Bold actions are required if we are to preserve our freedom of speech and free press so that true democracy is established in our blessed country, The Republic of Somaliland.
Long Live Democracy, Long Live Somaliland.
SIRAG(Somaliland International Recognition Action Group)
London, UK
12th January 2003
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