THE FORMATION OF THE SOMALI NATIONAL MOVEMENT SNM By ANIIS ABDILLAHI ESSA

TARIIKH LAMA ILAWAAN DHEH :
THE FORMATION OF THE SOMALI NATIONAL MOVEMENT
S N M

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The formation of the Somali National Movement ( SNM ) was sparked by that general mass discontent with Siad Barre's Regime. The initiative was made by members of the Isaac Communities outside the country particularly in the United Kingdom and the Middle East, who were free from the intimidation and repression of the regime. In late 1978 and early 1979 mobilizations intended to upgrade the consciousness of the Somali people started within the country. Committees comprising of elders or community leaders, officers, intellectuals, business people, students, youth and civil servants started underground campaigns in an effort to educate the people against the evils of the Siad Barre's regime.

At this stage in the SNM history Siyad has openly engaged in divisive and sectarian clan politics to discredit and lobby for caesura of that internal mobilization. He has created bandits who were armed by the government and were in the military payroll to destroy total communities to instill harassment and intimidation in those communities. During 1979 to 1980 hundreds of people, mostly women and children were massacred around Gabiley, Wajale, and Allay Baday areas.

The opposition from within and from without the country had contacts and a smooth follow of communication for quite a considerable time. On April 6, 1981 the Somali National Movement ( SNM ) was officially proclaimed as an opposition organization in London, UK. In November 1981 the residents of hargeyisa initiated self-help programs intended to upgrade the educational and health facilities of their community. 38 young professionals, intellectuals, and businessmen who were the leading organizers of the community project were imprisoned, some of them tortured. In February 1982 they received sentences ranging from two years to life. As a result, the first anti-government riots broke out in Hargiesa and Burao, and Sheikh Secondary Students in Sheikh. This marked the first head-on confrontation between the public and the regime. Barre who had never experienced open public unrest was caught by surprise. Consequently, he started a Hitler-like repression comprising of detentions, tortures, and execution.

Almost a year after the formation of SNM in London the internal wing of the SNM took a historic and daring move. A decision was made to establish the movement in Ethiopia. In February 1982 prominent high-ranking military officers and other government officials started deserting the regime. A week after the execution of Colonel Abdillahi Haji Saeed in Howad Near Burao by the regime's man (Gani " one day he will pay the price on the hard way), the first such officers crossed the border. Among them were Colonel Adan Sheikh Mohamed ( shiine ) "PBOH", Colonel Ahmed Dahir ( Dhagax ) " PBOH", and Colonel Mohamed Kahin Ahmed.

With the acceptance of the Ethiopia government the SNM Executive Committee, therefore moved from London to the Somali populated areas in Ethiopia in order to keep the movement close to home. They started setting up offices and training camps. within very short period of time groups of military officers, soldiers, intellectuals, businessmen, and students crossed the border and joined the movement. Area nomads and villagers also joined and signed up for their training programs. Surprisingly the SNM started attacks against the regime almost immediately. In those attacks the SNM has inflicted great damages on Faqashi's troops. They also confiscated combat as well as transport vehicles, arms ammunition and communication equipments.

Following those successful attacks the SNM established more then 10 bases in the North, Central and southern border areas within a year. The SNM, therefore, got engaged in highly sophisticated operations of national and international significance. In January 1983 the SNM forces fulfilled a major operation at Mandhera Maximum Security Prison. In the operation the SNM liberated hundreds of political prisoners. They also killed more than 130 soldiers from the Mandhera and Adadley garrisons. In a retaliatory move the regime executed 55 civilians in Adadley, Mandhera, and Go'a area. More then one thousand were detained by the regime's military and NSS.

On April 12, 1983, in a spectacular rescue mission, the SNM forces freed Colonel Abdillahi Askar from the highly fortified prison of the 26th sector of the Somali army. He was caught in Hargeisa by the security forces while fulfilling a secret mission with the SNM internal wing. Colonel Abdillahi Askar who was savagely tortured with candles and cigarettes was to be executed the day following the evening he was rescued. When Siad Barre realized the threat that the SNM poses to his dictatorial regime and the popular support it enjoys both in and outside the country, he " Afweyne" started to fight with the SNM and its supporters ferociously. Those who lived under his jurisdiction were those who were hit hard. They have suffered:

Indiscriminate detentions, imprisonment, and massacres. Looting and constant confiscations of private properties. Total blockade of food and fuel supplies. Denial of access to water supplies during the dry seasons. Destruction or poisoning of water reservoirs and watering wells Burning down of entire villages and communities Children killed and women raped.

Other communities who live in the areas where the SNM activities are prevalent have experienced a similar but a different kind of warfare. Afweyne Barre disguised some of his regular troops as marauding bandits licensed to plunder and exterminate both human lives and their livestock. The concerned communities with the assistance of the SNM responded to Afweyne's barbarous raids by not only defending themselves but by also making counter attacks against the combined Afweyne forces. In these counter attacks Afweyne's Troops suffered a severe damage. The following is an estimated damage that was inflicted on the Afweyne Troops:

In Mahollin area, south of Gashamo, the regime lost more than 450 soldiers in 1982 and 1984. The area residents captured military documents, communication equipments, small arms and ammunition. In Xaye and Qararo area it lost more than 350 including 3 officers. The area residents seized two jeeps, and armored personnel carrier ( APC ) and three army trucks. IN Aware area Afweyne troops suffered 250 casualties in 1984 they also left behind various military equipments.

It is extremely important to mention here that the SNM has prevented a genocide that was in the making. If the regime and its organization bandits were not checked by the forces of the area communities supported by the SNM, It is a historical fact that large portions of the Somali people would have been eliminated from the face of the earth. The capability of the Barre troops was greatly severed in the above-mentioned operations. The SNM on its part continued to wage constant attacks on Afweyne's troops inside the country and forced them to opt for a defensive strategy. A Foreign correspondent describing the situation of the Afweyne armed forces in March 1984 wrote, " The Somali army did not perform to any standard. The inefficiency of the Somali armed forces is legendary among foreign military experts. Last month Somalia shot down one of its own nine functioning aircrafts. Military officials in Somalia have grown disgusted with the performance of the Somali army and its inability to keep anything working".

On the other hand SNM has been growing a gaining momentum day after day. At this stage in the struggle of the SNM to liberate the country, Afweyne Barre has desperately pulled some embarrassing tricks in an attempt to weekend the position of the SNM. The following will be the different political games played by Afweyne Barre to strengthen his position against the MUJAAHIDIIN SNM.

More will be updated soon Insha'Allah......

ANIIS ABDILLAHI ESSA
WASHINGTON DC USA
ANIIS@YAHOO.COM

SIRAG ARCHIVE

THE COLONEL’S BLUFF By Jamal Madar,England

THE COLONEL’S BLUFF
February 17, 2004 - 23:48

A hard-line approach without sound military hardware is a dangerous bluff. Thus, Colonel Abdillahi Youssef’s shrill cry of joy (mashxarad) over the occupation of Las Anod may soon turn into rivers of tears that could be irrigated in the drought stricken areas of Sool.

In December 2003, a group of armed militiamen acting under the command of Colonel Abdillahi Yousef- the absolute ruler of the autonomous provincial administration of Majertenia (now calls itself Puntland)- crossed the border into Somaliland Republic and occupied Las Anod- the regional capital of Sool region. Since Puntland was formed in 1998, the Colonel had always claimed Sool and eastern Sanaag regions that are largely but not exclusively populated by Dhulbahante and Warsangali clans, as his own territories. It is not clear how the Colonel would manage to redraw the century-old colonial boundaries or rewrite the history of these people but what is clear is that the basis of his claims are at best ludicrous and at worst infantile. The basis of the Colonel’s argument is that these people are, by blood or descent, related to the people of Puntland and are together known as Harti. Thus, in his figment of imagination, the Colonel believes that this gives him the automatic right to claim these territories as part and parcel of his own little fiefdom- Puntland. However, the unpalatable truth is that, geographically the people in these territories had, for nearly a century, belonged to Somaliland (the former British Protectorate), which broke away from Somalia in 1991.

In the past, it was not uncommon to see the Colonel’s militia sneaking across the border into Somaliland under the cover of darkness and returning back to their bases in Puntland after a short spell of stay without causing any mischief in the disputed territories. Successive Somaliland governments had a policy of turning a blind eye to these flagrant violations of its territorial integrity ostensibly to avoid an unnecessary military show down with its troublemaker neighbour- Puntland- even though Somaliland had always maintained the military capability to decapitate the Colonel’s ruling apparatus. The idea behind this was that, so long as the local people did not mind the surprise visits paid to their towns by their cousins from Putland and so long as these sneaky visitors were not upsetting the local sensibilities, the Somaliland government didn’t mind to forget about these border violations. However, this approach apparently sent a wrong signal to the Colonel, for he saw this as a weakness on the part of successive Somaliland administrations.

Unopposed and undeterred, the Colonel got emboldened to the extent that he hatched a plot to assassinate the president of Somaliland, Dahir Rayale, who paid a visit to Las Anod at the end of 2002. Escaped by a narrow margin, president Rayale was whisked to Aynabo where a division of combat ready troops waited by, in case something went wrong. But something went terribly wrong yet president Rayale chose, much to the anger and dismay of many Somalilanders, not to order the army to take swift retaliatory measures against his assailants for fear that a lot of innocent people might die in the cross fire between the government troops and its opponents. Friends and foes alike were astonished by the compassion and sense of responsibility displayed by Rayale in restraining his troops not to fire the big guns in anger.

On his return to Hargeisa, the capital of Somaliland, the parliament gave the president the green light to deal a mortal blow to the shaky regime of the strongman of Majertenia. However, Rayale opted instead to impose a state of emergency on the entire region and continued to maintain a policy of non-engagement with the Sool people although critics on both sides of the broader political divide were somewhat divided over the wisdom of that policy. Apart from the state of emergency, both local and presidential elections were also barred from taking place in Sool, thus adding to the woes and isolation of these people.

This latest incursion into Somaliland by Puntland however completely changed the rule of the game. The Colonel’s militias came in from the wilderness with all guns blazing, killing at least three people and kicking all Somaliland government personnel out of their residences and offices. Such callous disregard of Somaliland’s eastern border, which is porous and often unguarded, coupled with the Colonel’s bravado, angered the Hargeisa administration.

This was further compounded by the Colonel’s spur-of-the-moment proclamation in the international media that his militia captured the city of Las Anod by force. Up until now, the Colonel who is famous for his beastliness and intransigence, dismissed calls from friends and lately his benefactor, Ethiopia, to show respect for Somaliland’s boundaries drawn up by British Colonial administration- boundaries considered by the AU as sacrosanct.

Whilst it is true that the people of Sool and eastern Sanaag and the people of Puntland are of the same lineage, it is also true that twice the same number of Issaq and Gadabursi people are living in Ethiopian territories. But, that is not to say, this will give Somaliland the right to claim these territories as its own.

The Colonel’s burning ambition to become the leader of a future government in Somalia is totally incompatible with his ardent but parochial and myopic tribalist posture of promoting the doctrine of Darodism. Neither his ludicrously lineage-based territorial claims is acceptable to any African country where people of the same blood or tribe are divided by artificial boundaries.

Since the inception of Somaliland, the people of Sool were torn between their brethren in Puntland who have nothing to offer to them other than empty avowals of fraternity and a Somaliland government that cannot give them of what they describe as ‘ironclad guarantee of our rights and privileges’ before committing themselves fully to the Somaliland ship of state.

At the moment, Dhulbahante and Warsangali have more than their fair share of representatives in both houses (35 members in total) on top of the administrative and ministerial portfolios.

Many believe that Somaliland can still guarantee to provide Sool people for their fair share of the national cake in terms of financial resources and development projects if they are equally prepared to show their allegiance to Somaliland. It is an open secret that the Garads, religious men and their politicians had participated in all major Somaliland Conferences held in Balligubadleh, Berbera, Burao and Borama and put their signatures to all these agreements. But they dishonoured each and every covenant they have undertaken and callously disregarded all the agreements they have entered into with the rest of clans in Somaliland.

Disintegrated, divided and disorientated, Dhulbahante cannot decide for thirteen years where their interest truly lays. They do not seem to agree on anything other than one thing: that they shouldn’t subscribe to, no matter what, the Issaq dominated state of Somaliland. But that line of argument does not hold water any longer since it became evident that Harti and Gadabursi head all the three major powers of the government namely the Executive, the Supreme Court and the Parliament. The Issaq are no longer in the driving seat of the Somaliland state.

The Colonel’s occupation of Las Anod was facilitated by anti-Somaliland segment of Dhulbahante who are loyal to Puntland. This encouraged the bloodthirsty Colonel to adopt an increasingly belligerent and war-mongering attitude, which is viewed by many throughout Somaliland and the Diaspora as provocative designs calculated to further disrupt and create chaos and confusion in Somaliland at a time the country’s security situation remains precariously on a knife’s edge following the recent spate of gruesome murders committed against western humanitarian relief workers. Others see the Colonel’s outrageous and ludicrous claims to Sool and Sanaag as nothing more than a cynical ploy to effect disturbances in Somaliland, hoping to trigger a heavy handed government response thus spoiling Somaliland’s chances of recognition from the international community. The latter view was reinforced when a cross-party delegation from Britain paid a two-day visit to Somaliland and a subsequent Commons debate regarding Somaliland’s recognition was held in Westminster Hall on 4th February.

Colonel Abdillahi Yusuf had always been a ‘pain in the neck’ in this cross-border issue between Puntland and Somaliland. His militia visited Las Anod before under the pretext of mediating warring sub-clans amongst Dhulbahante. But on each occasion they returned to their bases on their own accord.

Strangely enough, the Colonel began a propaganda campaign by activating all the media resources at his disposal and has blown the issue out of proportions even though he is the aggressor in the eyes of all those who are familiar with the politics of that region. He began to engage in Intifada on the airwaves, emblazoned headlines on the local papers, gave regular interviews to international news agencies, issued press releases and plastered articles staring out of every page and screen on the Net.

If the Colonel’s tactics were to scare off Somaliland government not to come to the aid of Sool people, it certainly produced the opposite results of what he desired. Massive troops have already been deployed in the vicinity of Las Anod and others are being mobilised throughout much of Somaliland for a potential show down with the Colonel’s motley collection of rag tag militia holed up in Las Anod. The Colonel is beginning to see that his megaphone diplomacy is proving counterproductive and self-defeating. As a military man whose tactics was simply confined to shooting from the hip to anyone who stands in his way, he knows this time round that the odds are heavily stacked against him, for he is not militarily up to scratch vis-à-vis Somaliland. His ragtag militia hasn’t got the slightest chance to stand up to the overwhelming military superiority of Somaliland unless of course they are prepared to commit mass suicide.

In a country where its people are more often divided than united, the arrival of the Colonel’s militia in Las Anod was a godsend that miraculously united the Somaliland people- friends and foes alike – firmly behind the President in defending the motherland from the external enemy.

Rayale whose recent controversial visit to Djibouti created furore in Somaliland took advantage of the situation and swiftly tabled a motion before the two Houses in a bid to evict the Colonel’s rag-tag militia out of Sool and teach him as UCID opposition leader, Faisal Ali Warabe put it ‘an unforgettable lesson’ that would serve as an example for those who try in future to infringe the country’s territorial integrity.

The fact that the motion was overwhelmingly passed by both the Parliament and House of Elders sent an unmistakable signal to Puntland and gave President Rayale a free hand to aim for the Colonel’s jugular, if need be, and decapitate his ruling apparatus in Garowe, if deemed necessary.

Apart from the troops that have already been deployed on the eastern front, most of Somaliland’s heavy weaponry including an array of artillery pieces, tanks and multiple rocket launchers have been kept out of sight but are ready to be deployed if the Colonel refuses to budge. Major government buildings in surrounding towns and villages have been evacuated and are being readied for casualties in case of break up of hostilities. Huge consignments of food and medicine are being poured into the eastern front. Columns of commercial tankers carrying fuel are heading for Sool.

These war preparations robbed the Colonel of many nights’ good sleep. It is believed that he sent emissaries to Wardheer and Goday and propagated the message that Majertenia is about to face a devastating attack from her powerful neighbour- Somaliland. According to Somaliland Times, the Ogaden sent some ONLF fighters to Las Anod to reinforce Puntland’s poorly armed ragtag militia holed up in Las Anod as they brace for a hugely devastating attack that might seal the fate of their little fiefdom.

For so long, Somalilander’s intimate knowledge of war and its painful consequences have always been to avert the break up of any hostilities between Puntland and Somaliland but the die seem to be cast now, for the Colonel had crossed a Rubicon.

With the assassination attempt on his life weighing heavily on his mind and enjoying the unstinting support of the whole nation, Rayale is unlikely to flinch from his hard-line approach. His muscle flexing tactics seems to be having an effect on the Colonel as the local people whom the Colonel considered to be their saviour scramble for the Puntland militia to pull out of their territories. Las Anod is in the grip of fear as the Somaliland army dug in its heels within a striking distance, getting ready to flush out the Colonel’s militia.

In a recent BBC interview, the Colonel spoke undiplomatically and hurled toxic rhetorical salvos at Rayale by describing him as a “tool”. The Colonel claimed himself to be a battle hardened man while accusing Rayaale of being a man with NSS background who did not understand much about politics. But the Colonel seems to forget that he is a megalomaniac who ruled his clan-based fiefdom of Majertenia by the barrel of the gun since 1977- a rule punctuated by cold-blooded murders and mysterious disappearances of his own kin and kith. Unlike Rayale, who is a democratically elected president, the Colonel is no more than a chieftain of Harti.

The Colonel who initially appeared to have taken leave of his senses when he undertook this dangerous adventure is slowly but steadily beginning to tone down the frequency of his rhetoric and sabre-rattling that characterised his occupation of Las Anod in the early days. Panic and fear permeated in the file and rank of his militia. Some of them have already fled for fear of their lives and others are pondering their next move as the black cloud of war began looming menacingly on the horizon. Whatever, the situation of those who remain in the town, they are left with no option but to cut and run. At least a senior Puntland militiaman defected to Somaliland recently with several along with ‘technicals’.

The Colonel is beginning to get a sense that a hard-line approach without military sound military hardware is a dangerous bluff that could be called. His shrill cry of joy (mashxarad) might soon turn into rivers of tears that could be irrigated in the drought stricken areas of Sool.

Somaliland will win back what was rightfully its territory, without in the meantime, depriving others from their rights. The Colonel’s reluctance to withdraw all his militia is merely an attempt to avoid ordering his militia back to Garowe- the capital of Puntland- with their heads down in shame as well as saving himself from becoming at the butt of a joke in his fiefdom. But Rayale must take the moral high ground and give the Colonel a face saving exit even though the tyrant of Majertenia had just got ‘too big for his boot’ as Sudi Yalaxow put it and had to be taught an unforgettable lesson.

Jamal Madar

England

adammadar@yahoo.com

SIRAG ARCHIVE

“The Butchers of Majertenia, Hargeisa Politically isolated” By O .M. Nur

“The Butchers of Majertenia, Hargeisa Politically isolated”
By O .M. Nur {OJ}, Toronto, Canada

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On January 29 the Somalian leaders reached what is described as the best agreement on Somalia’s reconciliation so far, in Nairobi, Kenya, but The Butchers of Majertenia and Hargeisa, Abdullahi Yusuf and Morgan, are isolated in the process. They have a common enemy to teach a lesson to. Both disregarded the agreement after they have agreed to it. The reason is not based on Somalian interest. It is the personal ambition of Abdullahi Yusuf and of Morgan to seek revenge through the top offices of Somalia.
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According to article 30 of the already signed Charter, the faction leaders are to nominate the transitional members of Parliament from their clans. The traditional leaders are to ratify the selected to make sure that each sub clan gets its fair representation.

However, Abdullahi is looking forward to his position in the new government. He doesn’t intend to allow any one other than him to nominate the” Darod” parliamentarians. His aim is to make sure that he gets the position of a president or a Prime minister before any vote for the positions for these take place. He is a hardheaded dictator who doesn’t believe in democracy, so he doesn’t trust voting. His law is the law of jungle where the mighty rules.

Bihi of Gedo, Barre Hirale and Jees of the Lower Juppa, Jama Ali Jama of the North Eastern Region, Hassan Abshir of Garowe Region, Mohamed Yusuf and Abdullahi Yusuf of Mudug Region are all in the new leaders committee and all belong to the same Darod clan of Somalia who will nominate their portion of parliamentarians. Normally, every one should be able to nominate his share from his sub-sub-clan and seek ratification from his sub-sub clan’s traditional leaders. Abdullahi doesn’t want things to happen that way that and lose his bid for the eagerly awaited positions. He believes to have politically barred the above-mentioned Darod leaders from the leader’s committee and defeated them in the battlefiel. “There must not be a comeback through the TNG and The National Salvation Group and must not share power with him.” He believes.

Both Abdullahi and Morgan are seeking revenge for what Siyad Barre and later Barre Hiiraale have done to them. Abdullahi says, “The real war in Somalia is not between Hawiye and Darod, but between Marehan and Majertens. It is true and Marehan leaders are well aware of his position. It is why Barre Hirale allied himself with USC and why there is no Marehan member in the SRRC, which is dominated by Abdullahi Yusuf and Morgan. They chose to be in alliance with the Arta Group (The TNG) and with the National Salvation Group. The Marehan, through their allieis are trying hard to deter any attempt by Abdullahi Yusuf or Morgan to get a position of leadership in Somalia. On the other hand Abdullahi and Morgan are trying to whisk away the other Darod members in the leaders committee by all means. The Marehan now believe that tribal extermination is not for them and would prefer a more logical moderate Majertens leader instead, if they should get one of the top two leadership positions. They maintain that Marehan is not at war with the Majertens and are working hard for the protection of their lives from Abdullahi and Morgan. Hawiye are striving to get Somalia’s leadership. When they get it, they will forget whatever Siyad has done to anyone. Marehans called the Isaqs “ Gob jabtay” in return they will be called “Gob ay la rogmatey.” When Isaqs get away with the assertion of the annexed independence of Somaliland, they will forgive Somalia and extend a brotherly hand to the Marehans. In return Marehan, of all Somalis, will distinguish themselves as the staunchest supporters of Somaliland, of course after an inclusive government is formed in Somalia and the dust settles. That is safe and a small price to pay! The Hawiye can rule Somalia without the Isaqs and in cooperation with other moderate clans. They must not let their faithful friends, the Marehans, down!

Reported By: Omar Japan Toronto,Canada
Email: omarn692@sympatico.ca

SIRAG ARCHIVE

Abdillahi Yusuf Allies Himself With Abdiqasim Salad Hasan

Abdillahi Yusuf Allies Himself With Abdiqasim Salad Hasan

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Somaliland Times, Issue 106 Feb.2-8, 2004

NAIROBI--(SL Times) In the ever shifting alliances between the various southern warlords, Puntlands Abdillahi Yusuf has now allied himself with Abdiqasim Salad Hasan, former president of the transitional government, better known as the Arta Faction, sources close to the Nairobi peace talks on Somalia said.

The new alliance between the two faction leaders was reportedly forged earlier this month following Abdiqasim Salad Hasan's return to the peace talks. Since the peace negotiations began in Oct 2002, each of the two faction leaders has tried hard to steer the course of the talks in a way that would be favorable to his own political agenda. The two men competed against each other to wield as much support as possible from the delegates, with each wanting to boost his chances for winning Somalia's presidency. However, neither of the two men succeeded in emerging as a winner.

The sign of rapprochement between Abdillahi Yusuf and Abdiqasim Salad Hasan first emerged after the two held a series of extensive face-to-face talks at Nairobi in the last 2 weeks, it was reported. According to sources close to the meetings, Abdillahi Yusuf surprised Abdiqasim Salad by showering him with highly conciliatory gestures and offering support for the Arta Faction leaders re-election as Somalia's president.

Abdiqasim Salad Hasan has reportedly pledged to appoint Abdillahi Yusuf as his premier provided the latter distances himself from Ethiopia. The anti-Ethiopian propaganda emanating from Puntland controlled media, particularly the Las-Anod FM radio station, since last week, has been cited by observers as an indication of Abdillahi Yusuf's compliance with Salad's demand. In addition to Abdiilahi Yusuf's lust for power in a future government for Italian Somalia, he is also displeased by Ethiopia's opposition to his invasion of Somaliland's Sool region. Abdillahi Yusuf's associates in Bosaso have recently castigated the Ethiopians for not being cognizant of the real situation in the region. These comments were issued on the heels of an Ethiopian delegation's visit to Majerteenya (Puntland).

The Ethiopian delegation was headed by the commander of Harargey, Gen. Gabre Makanan. Warlord Abdillahi Yusuf's spokesman, Mr. Ismaaciil X. Xasan said in an interview that they were upset with the stand that the Ethiopians took with regard to the conflict between Puntland and Somaliland. The spokesman said the Ethiopians insisted that colonial boundaries should be respected.

To return the favor, Abdiqasim Salad Hasan has accepted to support Abdillahi Yusuf's claims on Sool and Sanag. In a BBC interview broadcast yesterday, Abdiqasim Salad Hasan suggested that the number one priority of the future government of Somalia will be the disarmament and demobilization of armed militia men all over Somalia. Abdiqasim Salad Hasan made it clear that Somaliland should be included in any disarmament effort to be initiated by the government to emerge from the Nairobi talks.

SIRAG ARCHIVE

Interview With Prof. Iqbal D. Jhazbhay

Issue 105 Jan.26-Feb.1, 2004
Interview With Prof. Iqbal D. Jhazbhay

The following are excerpts from an interview conducted by the Addis
Ababa-based the Sub-Saharan Informer with the South African Scholar
Prof. Iqbal D. Jhazbhay as published in the newspaper’s issue of Jan
16, 2004

SSI: What are the major implications of recent development in the
political contours of Somaliland?

Prof. Jhazbhay: In analyzing many of the international developments
and notably on the continent of Africa, we can see that within the
Horn of Africa, the future of the African continent is being played
out. It is here in the Horn of Africa that many of the key scenarios
would determine the future of the continent. Let me give you specific
examples; there is now a consensus amongst intellectuals and amongst
policy makers, that the key requisite for development is peace and
stability and what we are looking at is reasonable peace and
stability. So, in the case of Somaliland, we see reasonable peace and
stability has emerged. The question then becomes for the international
community, for intellectuals and policy makers, is that when you have
an area of the world, which is reasonably peaceful and stable that,
then requires that the international community, the intellectuals and
policy makers rise up to that challenge. People have toiled with their
sweat, with their blood, we cannot let down the children of
Somaliland, and neither can we let down the women of Somaliland.
Because our humanity is linked to the humanity of others. By
recognizing their humanity and their efforts, we are genuinely
recognizing the humanity in ourselves. So, I get a firm sense when I
look at South African foreign policy, we see no a creative move to
recognize peace and stability, we see refreshing move to say that one
of the goals of NEPAD is to encourage peace and good governance. If
that is so, it means that principle has to be applied concretely, and
fortunately South Africa has taken that type of approach when you
analyze South African foreign policy, you find president Mbeki’s
Director General for conflict resolution visited Somaliland in January
2003 to listen and to recognize the efforts of the people, the women
and the men who have toiled to bring about peace and stability.
Through their own indigenous conflict resolution methods, this is one
concrete case where the future of humanity is being played out in the
Horn of Africa and by recognizing the efforts of the women, children
and men of Somaliland, we are recognizing our own humanity and we are
giving concrete from to the NEPAD objective of supporting good
governance, peace and stability.

SSI: Why is it taking long for some countries to recognize Somaliland?
Prof. Jhazbhay: In the past, when we turn to the case of Somaliland,
you find that when the British arrived there, they needed Somalis to
guide them through. Now the fact that Somaliland has attained
stability, the irony is that there is a need of foreign interlocutors
to interpret the peace and stability and make it known to the world.
So, you see many well-known scholars, such as Professor Ali Mazrui,
doing so. So, this is the first irony I would have to outline in
unpacking the case of Somaliland. I think the real reason is the fact
that information on Somaliland has not been forthcoming, the flow of
information has been pretty restricted to certain Internet websites
and it has a lot to do with the unenlightened approach at time on
behalf of multilateral institutions. You find initially the UN, the
OAU at the time, had taken a particular type of approach but now there
are some encouraging sights. The AU is showing some positive signs. So
I think, one is the flow of information. Those who have been informed
are coming through very positively now. A good case in point is the
South African media now. There is balanced reporting on Somaliland. A
lot of institutions are reporting on Somaliland, institutions like the
Africa Institute, South African Institute of International Affairs,
the Electoral Institute of Southern Africa… and that has now brought
about a more informed awareness. That has also made the local
constituencies play a much stronger role. The same could be said about
the United States. There has been a steady stream of reporting on
Somaliland. The Washington Post ran a very enhanced article. In the
UK, there have been regular delegations to Somaliland. So I think it
is very much a fifty, fifty situation. More countries now have a more
informed sense and there are also many countries that do not have an
informed sense. Those who do have an informed sense, have taken
positive steps in analyzing the situation in Somaliland. It makes the
point that once again, newspapers like the Sub Saharan Informer, and
other world wide newspapers have a big role of informing world opinion
about the reality in the horn of Africa. The type of balance here is a
non-partisan approach. There is also another reason. There are
powerful blocks, whom I believe don’t have an interest in peace and
stability. Their main concern may not be the waters of the Nile River.
The main concern is democracy. You are familiar; in the Horn of
Africa, there have been some successful experiences in democracy. I
have described Somaliland’s emerging democracy in an article earlier
on. I described it: “as a success story, Somaliland is Africa’s best
kept secret”. And sometimes you find a deliberate attempt to suppress
information because of the emerging democracy. It has had successful
local and presidential elections. Ethiopia is now going to have
democratic elections emerging. The others will have it too. So there
are key blocks in the Horn of Africa, who are afraid of democracy. The
waters of the Nile River is one issue but the “huge threat” is
democracy. So it is in the interest of those who do not have an
interest in democracy to block the emerging democratic movements. I
think there is a consensus amongst key international pro-democracy
movements like the International Crisis Group, which described the
experience of Somaliland as one of the most successful experiments of
democracy in the Horn of Africa. So, to my mind, those are the key
reasons why you see this block of information, a deliberate attempt to
suppress information and democracy.

SSI: In this regard, according to a discussion with Mohamed Hussein
Idid, who clearly told me that it is encouraging, Somaliland is a
stable government but it would be to the whole advantage of Somaliland
and the horn of Africa, if they remain united to Somalia. Do you think
there will be a danger if the international community goes ahead and
recognizes Somaliland?

Prof. Jhazbhay: I subscribe to the view held by Professor Ali Mazrui.
This is a view held by many well-known specialists of the Horn of
Africa. The view is that, when you have a peaceful and reasonably
stable part of the horn of Africa, it should be allowed to grow and
should not be pulled off. The view of Professor Ali Mazrui is that
Somaliland has the resources alone to develop its institutions. One
day when the rest of what was empirically known as Somalia comes back
to shape Somaliland can possibly re-join Somalia. My related remark to
this issue is that the international community has to find a balance
between idealism and realism. The reality on the ground is what was
empirically known as Somalia, does not exist anymore. The related
reality is that 14 peace conferences and a huge amount of effort have
gone into trying to bring the South of Somalia together. In the
efforts of last year, some 9-12 million has been spent in the
reconciliation talks in Nairobi. There does not seem to be much light
at the end of the tunnel. Which suggests that a creative approach has
to come through, which says that half a loaf of bread. That was the
conclusion also of the well-known Professor Ian Louis, doyen of Somali
Studies. That is, to encourage half a loaf. In the future we may have
full one loaf. I think the big question, which I raised earlier, is
what signal are we sending when we do not want to recognize the
efforts of the people towards peace and stability. What message are we
sending when we do not want to recognize the efforts of people towards
good governance? They would say they have done everything possible to
meet the requirements of peace, stability and governance. What more do
they need to do? That’s an answer we have to give them, because it is
the future of the African child. The children in Somaliland, who are
under 20, have no memory of unity with Somalia. I think at the end of
the day Somalis are very keen to maintain contacts and co-operation
but given the fact that Somaliland went through what is known by human
rights organization as a genocidal experience in 1988, where the city
was flattened into rubble. The fact of the matter remains sound. Many
of those leaders who are now on the ground in the south have not come
up with any mechanism to show remorse for what they have done in 1988.
And the feeling on the ground in Hargeisa, you ask the elders in
Somaliland, their view is that they will not and never join the South.
They are willing to cooperate, share experiences and trade. But in
terms of the political experience the wounds are very fresh. It was
captured beautifully by one of the political leaders of Somaliland. He
said, you can see the walls here and you can see the bullet wounds. In
Somaliland, the bullet wounds are not only fresh in their minds but
they are still fresh on the walls. So there are some powerful
arguments, which emerge from the ground. So I can foresee the future
emerging where you would see a lot of NGO cooperation, you would see a
lot of trade cooperation, a lot of sharing of experiences. But clearly
when political unity is raised, the pains of 1988 are too fresh in
peoples’ minds.

Prof. Iqbal D. Jhazbhay is a senior lecturer at the University of
South Africa and a well-published researcher. He is a Director of the
Board of Johannesburg-based Institute for Global Dialogue and is also
convener of the Middle East study group at the South African Institute
of International Affairs. He also serves on the African National
Congress’s (ANC) Commission for Religious Affairs.

http://somalilandtimes.net/2003/105/10506.shtml

SIRAG ARCHIVE

The Samatars’ alternative to the ICG Report on Somaliland: Examined, by Hibaq Abdikadir Kosar

The Samatars’ alternative to the ICG Report on Somaliland: Examined, by Hibaq Abdikadir Kosar

First I would like to congratulate the International Crises Group (ICG) for a report well written, to the point and easy to follow. This report was indeed focused and free from any biases. It was very informative for those who didn’t know much about Somaliland, its history and inhabitants and for the informed who do not claim they “know it all” it shed light on the recent developments.

Its the objective of the ICG ‘to prevent and resolve deadly conflict’, so to accuse their reports containing ‘political history replete with errors, misinterpretation, omissions, and bedeviled by an untenable characterization of entire communities’ is like accusing the Amnesty International of human rights violations. Let us now examine who made these accusations and why.

Abdi Ismail Samatar and Ahmed I Samatar, made the accusations in an essay (in progress) entitled “INTERNATIONAL CRISIS GROUP REPORT ON SOMALILAND: AN ALTERNATIVE SOMALI RESPONSE”. Here I will demonstrate their motive and make brief examination using the

following categories: 1

• Language
• Patriotism
• Focus
• Swelling Numbers
• Clanism
• Conclusion
• Recommendation
• Personal Note

1. Language

At first glance one can observe an improvement of the language used in criticizing the authors of the ICG Report. Fortunately they did not suffer the same fate as Prof. I.M. Lewis, who Prof Abdi I Samatar 2, blurted abusive words at, which won him the nickname “Street Fighter Professor”.

• “Samatar's response gives one the impression that he is street fighter intent to badmouth and give Lewis a bloody nose.” 3

Among the many abusive statements directed at Prof Lewis was that he was self-congratulating himself when he praised the EU and Prof A. I Samatar commented how the EU funded conference was a failure, and used the Somali proverb " Nin is amaaney waa ri is nuugtay" (a man who praises himself is like a goat that suckles itself), which is used to show disgust at a person who praises oneself. In this light let’s examine the names of the authors that the Samatars referred to as the authentic sources to argue their case. In no less then 7 times was the name Samatar referred to, 4 and describing themselves “as scholars, we have collectively dedicated 35 years to sympathetically understand the inner workings of Somali society” and “Our thinking, distilled from our extensive scholarly research and reading of Somali social history and political economy”

It’s typical of the Samatars to accuse others, who hold apposing views of not able to comprehend the Somalis.5 “Only an arrogant and unreconstructed old fashioned anthropologist would be blind enough to assume that he could speak for the native in 2001.” 6 also “the Ambassador’s (Kiplagat) lack of knowledge about Somali culture….”7, and presenting themselves as the only authoritarians on Somali politics, social, history, economics, judicial etc.

2. Patriotism

• ‘As the conference commenced, non-Somalis started to make the agenda. In one instance, when one of the authors (Abdi) was present, an American doctoral student presented the points….’8

Had Abdi been asked to present the points, would we have read such resentment towards the young American doctoral student? One would almost believe that they are so patriotic they would want only Somalis to conduct the peace processes for themselves and solve their own problems. However, when the people of Somaliland did just that, Abdi called their land “Balayo-land”9 (evil-land). One can only reach the conclusion that they would only be happy if they were in the lime light in any Somali conference and would not settle for otherwise. This is demonstrated in the brothers’ praise and glorifications of the Arta conference proceedings and outcome (Arta: Betrayal of a Gift), 10 since Prof. Abdi was one of the key craftsmen of the proceedings yet it was the one that lacked representations of most regions and used local Somalis from Djibouti to boost the number of attendants. .

The ICG report documented the betrayal felt by the Somaliland people after the unification noting that Hargeisa became ‘a mere provincial headquarters’ and Mogadishu became the national capital. The Samatars identified Hargeisa as ‘the headquarters of the northwest’. Provincial headquarters or northwest headquarters, what’s the difference and the point they’re making? Furthermore the Samatars want the Somaliland people to applaud PM Adbirashid and be consoled for this honourable role (consultants), ‘One of the North's most senior civil servants noted that, "Prime Minister Abdirashid and leading ministers consulted senior northern public servants on key matters, particularly on those that dealt with integration.”


3. Focus

As an engineer when I’m faced with a mathematical problem to solve (e.g. 1/2+1/3) I take the lowest common denominator (No. 6) and not the second (No. 12) or the third (No. 18) lowest common denominators (LCD). If I use the second or third LCDs, my calculations will only get longer and I would waste much of a good time that could have been utilized better, not to mention the possibility of making an error half way resulting the wrong answer. In my college days I would have been penalized for doing that.

The Samatars used the argument that Isaaq were not the only community that suffered under the dictatorship of Said Bare and mentioned Baidoa and Puntland regions.11 The brothers seemed to have totally lost focus by bringing the argument under Somalia. The ICG report was tackling the suffering of clans living in Somaliland (LCD), its history and relationship with Somalia. If the brothers are using the denomination of Somalia (second LCD) in order to make their point, they only prolonged their argument and caused the reader to wonder off and ask, “what did that got to do with Somaliland”. Using the same analogy one can argue that the Somali people were not the only ones who suffered in the Horn of Africa (third LCD) and we can even take the fourth LCD, Africa etc.

I recall conversations I use to have with students of history & politics in my old college (QMW, University of London) where they would tell me that Professors would warn them time and again not to waffle their way out when asked to write an essay about specific topic, as that would cause them to loose marks. I am not familiar with US universities, but if Professors can waffle their way out of the topic of discussion when writing essays, then what’s the chance of a student getting away with it and what does that say about those particular universities? In a court of law when a lawyer attempts to divert attention from the point of focus in a line of questioning, the opposition lawyer would immediately jump and shout “objection”!

Throughout their essay the Samatars drifted off the point of discussion particularly in Part IV. I will address the claims made in this Part for the sake of examining them, though its far off the ICG report. A picture of justice, democracy and fair for all was painted, “There is no doubt today that the Somali Republic’s first President, Aden Abdulle Osman, and his second Prime Minister, Abdirazak H. Hussein, were genuine leaders by any democratic measure”. Yet this is what General Mohammed Farah Aidid recorded about the same period that was glorified by the Samatars’, “the unfortunate experience with the type of Parliamentary Democracy that Somalia had during 1960-69; which bred exploitation, tribal disunity, nepotism, lowering of morals and public integrity and ultimately paved path for a shameless military coup in 1969; warns us not to go in for that very model of democracy. We cannot afford again to be cheated by such so-called representatives of the people, who once the people have elected them to the Parliament are least bothered for the welfare of the masses but are solely guided by their self-seeking motives of making money, favouring their relatives and supporters and black-mailing and exploiting the masses in innumerable ways.”12 I know of someone personally who was thrown out of school in Mogadishu during that period. The then Minister of Education gave a speech in of the schools, where he stated that the schools are filled with street kids when the children of the government (ministers/employees) are not attending school because there are no seats.

Somali history seems to be ‘in the eye of the beholder’; it’s rather like the writer’s story (his-story). It depends on what class or clan they belonged to during the period that they are writing about. The elite would write about the good old days and the luxury they enjoyed since they turned blind eye to the suffering of the lower class or clan. The oppressed would have only experienced the suffering and humiliation and would write his-story through his experiences. Someone from the outside looking in would only be objective historian to record the experiences of both classes. Often when that happens the former elite clan or class who do not want anyone to know what they inflicted on the other clans shower abuses at these historians/anthropologists or accuse them of being on the payroll of “Hargeisa Administration”. That’s why you have many people denying till now the atrocities committed against Somaliland people. Only now more 15 years later you have some people who served the military regime apologizing to the people of Somaliland.13 So when the brothers write, “We argue that this history could be told differently.” you do not need to be a rocket scientist to know what version of his-story will be told.

4. Swelling Numbers

One of the most deceiving claims the Samatars made to undermine the accuracy of the ICG report was the claim that large number of “Northerners” held high positions in contrast to the ICG report. At first the reader would see positions identified (yet no names mentioned), 14 therefore one would think this claim must be authentic and that it cannot be fabricated, as this is a historical fact. Lets study how they introduced this grave deception.

The reader was introduced to Somaliland (former British colony) and Somalia (former Italian colony) and after the unification these two entities came to be known as North and South of Somalia. Somalis referred to each other as Southerners and Northerners respectively. In order to boost the figures of the Northerners (Somalilanders) in high positions the brothers conveniently included positions held by people from the region presently known as Puntland (northeast Somalia). These individuals represented the South, since this region was part of Somalia and not Somaliland before unification. Therefore the ICG document was accurate in its reporting.


5. Clanism

The ICG report made mention of the tribes in Somaliland that collaborated with the military regime against the Isaaq. The Samatars’ wrote:

• “A discernment of who collaborated with the military dictatorship and to what degree…The ICG document enters that fray by identifying two northern communities as willing allies of the regime: the Samaroon and the Harti (pp. 11, 28). Simultaneously, the Isaaq kin-group is presented as innocent sufferers. This is problematic.”15

Here it’s important to note that the brothers are of Samaroon clan, hence the anger expressed in the above quote. Naming Isaaq men16 that served in the military dictatorship and attempting to level them with characters like Morgan and Ghani, who were responsible for the genocide of Somaliland, is totally irresponsible and one that would invite questioning as to their motive and integrity as academics. One can only sense the sentiments of clanism expressed here. I wonder how many historical claims stated by the Samatars were created on their keyboards? Gentlemen, you claim to be learned men, present your evidence for the statements you made, or did you conveniently fabricate this piece of history to tarnish the men’s names and discredit the ICG report for your gains?

Let it be known that I consider all those Isaaq individuals mentioned who remained in Barre’s regime till its dying days “TRAITORS”, since they held those positions at the expense of the suffering of their own people. However the brothers’ choice of excluding General Jama Mohamed Qalib, when he held high positions in Barre’s regime sometime in those dark days and presented him as a victim 17 only exposed their prejudice (a friend perhaps?). He was another craftsman of the Arta conference and benefited from it by being rewarded handsomely, also known to hold the same views as the Samatars’. Why did they fail to mention how he was responsible for the deaths of thousands of young men in the Somaliland civil war (1994-1996)? Now this would have been relevant to the topic of discussion (Somaliland-LCD?), since he was a warlord for that short period of time. At least the warlords in Somalia stay with their soldiers while General Qalib ran away two days before the fighting started, after beating the drums of war for the young men. What’s the word that describes a General abandoning his army, just before full scale fighting starts?

With regards to the office of Presidency the Samatars made the claim that ‘When Egal, the leading northern politician, was asked to seek the office he declined.’ This is a laughable claim. Both opponents and friends of Egal would agree on one thing, that he desired and sought the position of the President of Somalia all his life, until the 2001 Somaliland referendum when all hopes of that ever happening was dashed away from him. In fact someone commented once that if the position of the “President of Africa” existed he would run for it.


6. Conclusion

In Somaliland, people of all tribes are living side by side in harmony and do not need the so called scholars living thousands of miles away to create hate and animosity between them. These people have shaken off the great might of the military regime and will not hesitate to shake off inflammatory essays that’s only intended to derail them from the path to peace they’ve embarked on. Most of these writers are living in the United States enjoying the freedom and liberty that its forefathers created by fist declaring that, “When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation. We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.”18 Therefore if the Samatars are serious as to their claim of feeling obliged to promote the well being of their community, then instead of calling their land ‘evil-land’ they ought to take part in promoting the freedom and liberty that their people have taken its first steps to establish. They ought to make their guiding principal to be what is in the interest of their people, and listen to what they want.

History has its place and the people of Somaliland chose to forgive each other for past crimes in order to move on and build a brighter future for themselves and their children. Digging old wounds will not achieve what its intended, which is to destabilise the peace they worked so hard for.

I for one am proud of the achievements of my people and wish that we all applaud them for their strength and determination to take the first steps of entering into the democratic world.

7. Recommendation

a) Before embarking on responding to a report make sure you read the content of the report to establish the topic of discussion and read the report carefully (if necessary read it few times).
b) When writing an essay, stay focused and don’t waffle just to boost the number words.
c) To prove the authenticity of your claim, use reliable historians and not your own essays “in progress”.



8. Personal Note

Somali people need to express their views through the ballot box and not be swayed by the selfish politicians who wear ‘Somaliweyn hat’ one minute, ‘Islam hat’ the next, ‘tribal hat’, the next and so on. The people of Somaliland have spoken as to what they want. They want to choose who leads their country and not be chosen for them in some conference held in far away land that’s organized by foreigners. The days that they were forced to accept anyone to rule them by force are gone. No clan has the right of leadership over others; hence no formula should be acceptable by any clan, whether they are in the majority or minority. No clan is superior to others:

• “O mankind! We created you from a single (pair) of a male and a female, and made you into nations and tribes, that ye may know each other (not that ye may despise each other). Verily the most honoured of you in the sight of Allah is (he who is) the most righteous of you. And Allah has full knowledge and is well acquainted (with all things).”19

Many of the Somaliweyn politicians and writers who claim they don’t want the dismemberment of Somalia, put fear in the Somali people’s mind painting the picture that recognition of Somaliland will result closure of its borders to other Somalis. The people who feel this fear the most are the people of Harti, and this is understandable because they feel torn between their tribal kinsmen who live on the other side of the border (Puntland, Somalia), and their cousins (Isaaq) through intermarriages who live in Somaliland. Let’s take the current status of the relationship between the people of Somaliland and other Somalis. They will always be welcomed to come and live peacefully in Somaliland if/when they chose to, and I’m confident that they would be welcomed in their respective homelands. People from Somaliland are also related to Somalis in Djibouti, so do they stop them from crossing the border? The two countries share trade ties, common culture, and blood ties, yet no political ties and that’s acceptable to both communities, as it doesn’t affect their personal or business relationships.

These politicians have one thing to gain from Somaliland not being recognised that is to rule a bigger portion of the land and as for the writers they want to cash on the misery of the Somali people through their writings and attending the reconciliation conferences to be paid for drafting charters that will be impractical and unworkable, so they’ll be called back for the next conference, and the next and the next and the next…. If there’s no conflict what’s there to write about? The Somali people need to reach peaceful settlement to stop their bloodshed being cashed on.

Somalis are nomadic by nature and this will never change, Somaliland people continue to intermarry Ogaden, though their land is within Ethiopian border. Hargeisa is now multi-ethnic city were Somalis of all clans are living peacefully along side each other and I hope the same can be achieved for the cities in Somalia. All Somalis own businesses in Somaliland, Somalis from Djibouti, Ogden, and Somalia. In fact the Telecommunication sector is dominated with companies owned by people from Somalia, and everyone welcomes them from government to the public.

Family members can have different political views as demonstrated in the Somaliland elections were members of the same family voted for different parties. If Somaliland people chose a different political path, then the rest of Somalia, to achieve peace and harmony; their brethren Somalia should agree to disagree for the sake of keeping the love between them and work towards a brighter future together for their respective countries. Somalis living everywhere should be happy for what their brethren in Somaliland have achieved and pray for their brethren in Somalia to achieve peace and stability, this will be truly Somali brotherhood.


Notes

1. Detailed examination still “in progress”, if such a term “in progress” exists to justify posting half-cooked essays on the web.

2. Prof Abdi I Samatar, “I.M. Lewis's Retired Ideas and Somalia” http://www.somaliawatch.org/archivefeb01/010203202.htm

3. “In Response to Prof Abdi I. Samatar's, I.M. Lewis's Retired Ideas and Somalia” by Ali A. Jama – Director of Somalia Watch – Feb 3, 2001. http://www.somaliawatch.org/archivefeb01/010203201.htm

4. Ahmed I Samatar and Abdi I. Samatar, Notes, “INTERNATIONAL CRISIS GROUP REPORT ON SOMALILAND: AN ALTERNATIVE SOMALI RESPONSE” http://www.hiiraan.com/htdocs/2003/aug03/op/icg_respond.htm

5. It seems that it’s not just the Samatars’ who make these accusations, but others who hold the same view do it too. Ahmed Dowlo wrote this about Jean-Jacques Cornish, “Mr. Cornish has got him self into a political disarray in which he has very limited knowledge.” The article is entitled ‘Recognise "Somaliland" and a can of worm opens’. http://www.hiiraan.ca/2003/aug03/op/dowlo.htm. Ahmed Dowlo is a member of Somali Association of South Africa, an organisation I’m sure that just come into being after the positive reports on Somaliland from SA, the most amusing thing they’ve come up with so far is the petition online where they’re trying to black mail the SA government. The article was written by Abbas Yusuf madela60@hotmail.com (interesting email id).

6. “I.M. Lewis's Retired Ideas and Somalia”, by Prof Abdi I Samatar.

7. Ahmed I Samatar and Abdi I. Samatar, Part II C (1),“Somali Reconciliation: Editorial Note” posted on http://www.goobjoog.com/books/editorial/note/

8. Ahmed I Samatar and Abdi I. Samatar, Part II B, “Somali Reconciliation: Editorial Note”.

9. Prof Abdi I Samatar, “I.M. Lewis's Retired Ideas and Somalia”.

10. Ahmed I Samatar and Abdi I. Samatar, Part II A “Somali Reconciliation: Editorial Note”.

11. Part VI-A&B, “INTERNATIONAL CRISIS GROUP REPORT ON SOMALILAND: AN ALTERNATIVE SOMALI RESPONSE”

12. General Mohammed Farah Aidid, The Preferred Future Development in Somalia, www.civicwebs.com

13. Abdi Warsame Isaq, the leader of SSNM, who was a members of Supreme Council of the Somali Revelation 21st of October 1969.

14. Part VI-A, “INTERNATIONAL CRISIS GROUP REPORT ON SOMALILAND: AN ALTERNATIVE SOMALI RESPONSE”.

15. Part VI-A, “INTERNATIONAL CRISIS GROUP REPORT ON SOMALILAND: AN ALTERNATIVE SOMALI RESPONSE”.

16. Part V-B, “INTERNATIONAL CRISIS GROUP REPORT ON SOMALILAND: AN ALTERNATIVE SOMALI RESPONSE”.

17. Part VI-B “INTERNATIONAL CRISIS GROUP REPORT ON SOMALILAND: AN ALTERNATIVE SOMALI RESPONSE”.

18. The first paragraph of the United States Declaration of Independence (In Congress July 4, 1774)

19. The Quran, Chapter: 49, Verse: 13

SIRAG ARCHIVE

A brilliant work co-ordinated through many continents by Rhoda A. Rageh

A brilliant work co-ordinated through many continents”

by Rhoda A. Rageh



A Note On My Teachers Group is about a historical epic that has changed the lives of the people of Somaliland forever. The drama was a mammoth, which became prelude to a systematic genocide, annihilation of cities by an incumbent government, the end of a deceitful republic and a diaspora that has severed the core of nuclear families.

The author’s flashback is often surreal and daunting to revisit, sometimes distressing to read and occasionally comical to believe. In an attempt to place the suffering of his teachers with the destruction of his role models and the fictitious allegations that put them in cruel prisons, he resurrects the proceedings of spurious courtrooms, bewildered witnesses, ineffectual lawyers, fearless youth and a society betrayed by its government. Among many personal testimonies of the victims, the book includes vivid images of the group’s enthusiasm, torture, and survival instincts. In spite of a nerve of steel needed to get through the severity encountered, one must read to learn from it.

The defendants are 28 vibrant young men who have come back to a derelict home city. They took the idyllic path rarely followed by other Africans. Instead of insurgence, they focused on rebuilding vital institutions by tapping into their own academic backgrounds and work experiences. At a time when economic, educational, social and cultural institutions of the entire northern regions were depressed by Siad Barre’s restrictions, the only resource available to them in their dilapidated city was their mental energy. They pioneered a vision of self-help for people too tired and afraid to create one. Their vital energy, which had awakened Siad Barre’s worst fears of mutiny, was the beginning of a long nightmare for some of Somaliland’s brightest young men. The culmination of which was total destruction of the Somali Democratic Republic.

Dr. Jama Musa Jama, an intellectual living in the disapora was an impressionable young adult when all of these happened in his hometown of Hargeisa. The treachery of a ruthless government and the insecurity he felt through this incident mold him into a serious a researcher of truth. The book remembers those who suffer in the hands of cruel tyrants. It is a tribute to history, a psychological healing for Somalilanders, who have been terrorized by these events and a treasure for posterity. Above all this book is an honour to the strong will of serious intellectuals still active in their vision of self-help. Dr. Jama’s relentless research preserves us an experience, which could not have been possible without his patience, dedication and seriousness of purpose. A brilliant work co-ordinated through many continents.

For more information, visit: http://www.redsea-online.com

SIRAG ARCHIVE

Somaliland Genocide - Humanrights Defenders

Note From SIRAG:

• For the last 44 years, Somaliland history have been lost, erased from the world map, manipulated by the so called intellectuals of Ex-Somalia and all the books taken from International libraries and burnt so that no one can trace them. However, knowledge can not be erased from mankind's natural book the brain. The Intellectuals of Somaliland will defend the history of Somaliland by the Pen. No more would we allow our history to be manipulated and distorted right in front of our eyes. We must preserve our history so that our future generations know their history and culture. Thanks to the pioneers of the Internet that helped us build our nation in a unique way.

See also:

• African and Asian nations are most at risk for genocide, international forum is told By Amiram Barkat

• Response by Ibrahim Hassan Gagale to Aden-Adde - The Initiator of North-South Polarization

• A brilliant work co-ordinated through many continents by Rhoda A. Rageh

• The Samatars’ alternative to the ICG Report on Somaliland: Examined, by Hibaq Abdikadir Kosar

See also:
"During the recent civil war, the former socialist dictatorship deliberately destroyed all written documents that it could in the territory that is now the Republic of Somaliland. In particular, this includes all local copies of the many reports and proposals prepared by international organizations on the technical situation and opportunities in this new Republic. The new Government is currently working with practically no written documentation about its own Country, as well as without the technical information that it requires for its normal functions.".( ref: Project Proposal, for creating a National Library in the Republic of Somaliland Davies Consulting GmbH)

Response by Ibrahim Hassan Gagale to Aden-Adde - The Initiator of North-South Polarization

Response by Ibrahim Hassan Gagale to Aden-Add. A Gentleman of Somalia Aden-Adde: The Initiator of North-South Polarization

This article, Aden-Adde: A Gentleman of Somalia, was recently posted on Hiiraan Online and written by Omar Mohamed. There is a Somali proverb which says, “An old woman sheltering from rain thinks that everybody else is having the same rain.” Mr. Omar failed to shy away from misinterpreting the political and social realities in former Republic of Somalia during Aden-Adde`s eight year-old presidency (1960-1967). He is either hypocrite who purposefully covers up Aden-Adde`s serious, political blunders in his era, or he is naive who does not have any idea of the history of his polarizing presidency in the 1960s thinking that he was a great president for all. Distorting historical facts is unconscionable as any irrational bias approach on fateful moments of history of a society of an era ignores the oppressed and promotes the oppressor- Here the North and the South in 1960s.

When Mr. Aden Abdulle Osman (A Southborn, Mudulood) assumed the presidency of former Republic of Somalia in 1960, which was created from a union of two newly independent, equal states emerging from former British Somaliland Protectorate and Italian Somalia, every one expected that the premiership belonged to the North without challenge, and that the top cabinet and armed forces posts would be shared fairly. Unfortunately, Aden-Adde immediately treated the North as an ordinary region of the South like Mudug or Benadir, denying its people of their legitimate share of the union government by awarding premiership and other top civilian and armed forces positions to the South. He failed to understand that the North became independent state before the South (North: June 26, 1960, South: July 1st, 1960), that late president of Somaliland, Mr. Mohammed Haji Ibrahim Egal, was its first prime minister, that the North initiated the union of the two new countries, and, for these reasons, the North deserved legitimate, fair share from the union government.

Majerteen was the Mareehan during Aden-Adde`s administration and, likewise, hijacked and abused the government of the people. Because it was the most arrogant and power-minded tribe in those days in the South, and because it had affinal relationship with the president, Majerteen pressured Aden-Adde to appoint Majerteen prime minister. He bowed to their demand and pressure and appointed Mr. Abdirasheed Ali Sharma`arke ( A Southborn, Majerteen) as the first prime minister of former Republic of Somalia from 1960-1964. He granted other top cabinet ministers and national forces commanders to the South too. He appointed Mr. Abdirizaq Haji Hussein (A Southborn, Majerteen) for minister of interior, Mr. Abdullahi Issa Mohamoud (A Southborn famous politician, Habar-Gidir) for minister of foreign affairs, Mr. Osman Ahmed Roble (A Southborn, Abgaal) for minister of Finance, General Da`ud Hirsi ( A Southborn, Abgaal) for commander of the armed forces, General Mohammed Abshir (A Southborn, Majerteen) for commander of national police force, and so on. The parliament was sham too with the South taking unfair number of seats.

The betrayal and the humiliating denial, the injustices and the dereliction by the South angered furiously the Northern people, particularly politicians, traditional leaders, intellectuals, business people, and military officers . This deep resentment of the North against the South, influenced young military officers of the North, at the command of Hassan Kayd, to lead the unsuccessful coup d`etat in Hargeisa on December 10, 1961. The main objective of this coup d`etat was to withdraw from the misused union and reclaim Northern sovereignty and independence.

Instead of probing the root causes of the coup d`etat and starting national dialogue for reconciliation, president Aden Abdulle Osman made the second political blunder by transferring Southborn military and teachers to the North (Known as Wallawein in those days) and bringing Northborn military and teachers to the South after the failure of Hassan Kayd`s noble attempt in order to suppress Northern people politically, socially, and educationally for the coup d`etat, thus turning North into a semi-colony occupied by the South, and forcing its people to travel to Mogadisho for all necessities of life that they were supposed to have at home until the proclamation of Somaliland Republic in May 1991 after the victorious liberation of Somaliland by SNM in January 1991.

President Aden Abdulle Osman repeated the same polarizing mistakes for the third time when he appointed Mr. Abdirizaq Haji Hussein (A Southborn, Majerteen) as the second prime minister from 1964-1967. For this extreme southernist vision, Aden-Adde turned his back to the North, stranding it on ground zero and treating Northern People as second class citizens with duties but no rights. He,unfortunately, pioneered the first hostility between North and South, and inflicted the first irreversible political damage on the newly born union. Late President Abdirasheed Ali Sharma`arke (A Southborn, Majerteen, 1967-1969) , who had wider vision than Aden-Adde, saw that the country was heading in the wrong direction and appointed Mr. Mohammed Haji Ibrahim Egal (The Northborn famous politician, Habar-Awal) as the third prime minister of former Republic of Somalia though Siyad`s military take over in October 1969 shortcut his tenure and prevented him from addressing the grievances of the North.

Somalis say, “In a caravan, the last camel follows the foot steps of the first.” Late Somali dictator, General Siyad Barre (A Southborn, Mareehan), being upset with Aden-Adde`s Majerteen-dominated administration and their continued corrupt involvement in Abdirasheed`s government, and benefitting from the unexpected assassination of president Abdirasheed Ali Sharma`arke on October 15, 1969 in las Anod, took over the country grudgingly and kept it under vicious, bloody dictatorship for 21 years (1969-1990). One could contend that the twenty one year-old brutal dictatorship of Mareehan (Oct. 27, 1969 - Jan. 27, 1991), the South-waged devastating wars against the North (1982-1990), and the break-up of the union into Somaliland and Somalia in 1991 were probably consequential chain reaction of Aden-Adde`s political blunders in the beginning of the union because the policy of his successors had continued the dominance of the North by the South. For the thirty years of the union`s age (1960-1990), the South had solely both presidency and premiership (Siyad Barre held both positions together) except the two years that Mr. Egal was prime minister (1967-1969). The North was entertained with symbolic positions, sometimes under surveillance.

The people of former Republic of Somalia had the credit of the democracy in those days despite Aden-Adde`s shortcomings to rule the country fairly. It was a fact that president Aden Abdulle Osman was not a dictator and respected the term of the presidency but, being overwhelmed by Majerteen`s greed for power and money and putting this subclan`s interest before the interest of the nation, he committed divisive, political blunders against the North that made him a divider, not a unifier. He was neither strong nor courageous because he was unable to stand up to the tribalistic, corrupt demands of Majerteen that turned the whole country into a club of their own like Mareehan did in their heydays of Siyad`s regime. Aden-Adde was politically gentleman for the South, not for the North. He might seem democratic, moral president to the outside world but that was not the case in the North whose people were politically, socially, and economically victimized by his administration`s imbalance of power. Based on these historical facts, the legacy of president Aden Abdulle Osman is and will be: THE INITIATION OF NORTH-SOUTH POLARIZATION.

Somalia never admitted that it committed injustices and atrocities against Somaliland and its people (22 years of injustices, 1960-1982, and 8 years of atrocities, 1982-1990), and that is the kind of union Somalia is really crying for today too. Somaliland people deserve no another nominal union of injustices and atrocities. That is the painful history of the disastrous union and the root causes of Somaliland`s withdrawal from it.

Written: Ibrahim Hassan Gagale, USA.
e-mail: Ibrahim_hg@yahoo.com
Date: January 24, 2004.


SIRAG ARCHIVE

Masquerading successful Somaliland as failed Somalia by Bashir Goth

Masquerading successful Somaliland as failed Somalia, Bashir Goth

Reading the opinion piece “Somalia’s warlords: Feeding on a failed state” published by the International Herald Tribune on 20 Jan 2004, one doesn’t have to go any further to understand why a place like Somaliland, a peaceful, democratic and by the testimony of many foreign diplomats, writers and academics a model for homegrown African reconciliation and building of state institutions, has been ignored for so long by the world community.

It is such selective half-truths touted by people like Abdulqawi A. Yusuf, the writer of the article, taking advantage of his position as editor of the African Year Book of International Law and assumed knowledgeable background, that places blinders on the eyes of the international community, narrowing their vision to the darkness and ugliness that prevail in Mogadishu and most of the regions in the Former Italian Somalia. This kind of sweeping generalizations and regurgitating of clichés favored by foreign media such as anarchy, violence, and chaos, is what dampens and trivializes the great achievements accomplished by the people of Somaliland, former British Somaliland Protectorate, against the apocalyptic situation in the Italian South.

One would have expected from the writer, a man of law and an academic who shoulders the awesome task of editing a document, considered to be a genuine reference for African legal affairs, to have exercised some degree of fairness and objectivity in his analysis. Though right in his condemnation and exposure of the Southern-based warlords as a pack of blood suckers who thrive on the misery of the ordinary people, he utterly failed to see the light in the case of Somaliland which has managed to escape the mayhem and the anarchy of the South due to their traditional wisdom and time-worn African methods of resolving conflicts and making peace under the neem tree without any help from the international community. It is here where I would like to pick up and piece together the success story of Somaliland that Abdulqawi tried to weave it into the apocalyptic kaleidoscope of failure, thievery, violence and mayhem that prevail in Italian Somalia.

Emerging from a devastating war that killed tens of thousands, maimed other tens of thousands, grazed whole towns and villages to rubble and drove the whole population into forced exile, the people of Somaliland convened a national reconciliation conference in Buroa in 1991 immediately after the collapse of the military regime. In a traditional conflict resolving and crisis management atmosphere, representatives of all clans and all sectors of the society including elders, religious men, western educated intellectuals, militia commanders, women and youth laid down their arms, decided to put the misery of the past behind them and build a future and a state for themselves. The people of Somaliland, a former British Protectorate, which gained its independence on 26th June 1960, five days before it formed a union with the Italian colonized South, which received its independence on 1st July 1960, made a unanimous decision on that fateful morning of 18 May 1991 to restore their sovereignty and vowed to build a state on the basis of democracy, traditional wisdom and the rule of law.

Rising to the urgency of returning to normalcy and allowing the people to start the arduous task of rebuilding, the conference elected a President, a Vice President and a National Consultative Council for two years on an agreed quota basis. Soon after a cabinet was formed and the government started setting up all local government institutions and infrastructure from scratch, while traditional elders, intellectuals, religious men, businessmen and prominent personalities embarked on the painstaking and Herculean task of confidence building between the various clans, explaining the fruits of peace and consolidating stability and harmony.

Once government institutions were partly revived and returning refugees began to feel the dividends of peace and stability, the people of Somaliland convened their second conference in the town of Borama in 1993. After three months of lengthy and sometimes difficult discussions, a new president, vice president and two-tier national parliament were elected. Mohammed Ibrahim Egal, the first Prime Minister of Somaliland at the time of Independence and a veteran African statesman, had defeated the then incumbent President Abdirahman Ahmed Ali, the former head of the Somali National Movement (SNM) that fought against Siyad Barre’s regime. Contrary to the behaviour of traditional African militia commanders who believe that the chair belongs to them by default, Abdirahman, a veteran civil servant and former Ambassador, congratulated his successor and transferred the rule democratically and peacefully. Comparatively this was when the civil war and tribal mayhem was at its height in the Italian south with Baidoa symbolizing the epicenter of death and misery that moved the international community and prompted former U.S. President Bush to launch Operation Restore Hope which eventually ended up in the disastrous Black Hawk Down and the shameful flight of Americans and later UN forces from Mogadishu.

A charismatic leader, a shrewd strategist and an expert on Somali tribal politics, Egal has within a short time managed to put all government institutions in place. At the time of his next election in 1997, barely four years after, the country had functioning executive and judicial bodies namely Cabinet of Ministers, a bicameral parliament, a police force, a military force, courts and local councils. The health and school sectors were back on track, and thousands of refugees had returned home. In 1997 Egal defeated his opponents for the parliament-voted presidential elections and won a second term of office. With all government institutions firm on the ground and the infrastructure partly restored, Egal and his government turned their attention to establish the constitutional base for the existence of Somaliland. Relying mainly on customary laws, traditional wisdom and with the assistance of international legal experts, the first Somaliland Constitution was drafted and tabled for debate by the parliament. After long, vigorous and arduous debates checkered by numerous rejections and revisions, like any vibrant democracy; the Somaliland parliament endorsed the constitution and slated it for national referendum. When finally put on referendum in free and fair elections on 15 December 2002, 98% of the voters gave a resounding yes to the new constitution that laid the legal foundation for Somaliland’s proclamation of independence.

In another manifestation of its maturity and seriousness in adhering to the rule of law, Somaliland parliament showed the world one of the rare episodes of African civility and respect for democratic norms, when it made possible a smooth and peaceful transfer of power when President Egal died in a hospital in South Africa, where he was taken for treatment for a prolonged illness. With astonishing speed, the Parliament resorted to the constitution and sworn in the Vice President, Dahir Riyale Kahin, as the country’s President, thus proving wrong both African political pundits and skeptics who predicted that Egal’s death would usher in a period of chaos and tribal civil war, particularly as Riyale who was to succeed Egal was not from the majority clan, a text book recipe for tribal genocides in many parts of Africa including Italian Somalia.

Since then, the country has conducted two successfully monitored elections, local council elections in December 2002 and free and fair presidential elections on 14th April 2003 in which the Udub ruling party led by then incumbent President Riyale won by only 217 votes. However, in unprecedented democratic action that recalled the U.S. presidential contention in 2000, the opposition party Kulmiye challenged the tally but has, as Jeffry Herts wrote in the Washington Post, “in a moment of extraordinary responsibility given Somalia’s history of having weapons resolve almost every conflict, eventually accepted the results,” after the country’s Higher Court supported the Election Commission’s tally. Somaliland is also planning parliamentary elections by the end of 2004. “At that point,” writes Herts, “Somaliland will have a more impressive democracy than most African countries. One would think the natural responses of the outside world to the extra-ordinary accomplishments of the Somalilanders would be respect and recognition. The Somalilanders, almost unanimously ask what more they can do when the international community continues to recognize Liberia, Sierra Leone, Democratic Republic of Congo and anarchic, violent places as sovereign units. It is time to give them an answer.”

And the answer comes from our next of kin who is green with envy for Somaliland’s achievements. It comes in Abdulqawi’s fleeting dismissal and counting of Somaliland’s democratically elected President among other warlords or as wannabe or anointed president among Puntland and Mogadisho warmongers.

However, refuting Abdulqawi’s deliberate attempt to conceal the truth in a malicious smoke screen comes not from me or any other Somalilander for that matter but from world renowned scholars and neutral foreign observers of the Somali political landscape. I feel obliged to quote some of them, at least for the benefit of IHT readers and the international media, whom Abdulqawi tried to lead, blindfolded into the abyss.

The contrast between chaotic Somalia and the stable Somaliland, explains Greg Mills, national director of the South African Institute of International Affairs, writing in the South African Sunday Independent ( 2nd Nov. 2003) is that donor countries frequently help sustain conflict and political strife by providing assistance.

He said that 14 peace conferences were held since 1991. The number of warlord factions increased from three in 1993, at the withdrawal of UN troops from Mogadishu, to about 50 a decade later. Based on a communications training facility outside Nairobi, the latest peace conference at Mbaghati had, by the end of 2003, drifted on for more than a year, at an estimated cost of $8 million, funded principally by the European Union.

Somaliland, by comparison, Mills wrote was left to its own devices and yet has successfully managed to emerge from decades of devastation on its own.

According to Kornegay, a programme co-ordinator, center for Africa’s International Relations, University of Witwatersrand, Kenyan scholar Prof. Ali Mazrui summed up the Somaliland/Mogadishu riddle by noting that “the situation in Somalia now is a culture of rules without rulers, and stateless society” while, on Somaliland :”there is order there, they have the potential to survive.”

Writing in the, Business Day 9 Jan 2004, Kornegay said Mazrui thus holds Somliland should be allowed to go its way as a prelude to eventual pan-Somali reintegration. The question is, though, is whether the AU will resist imposing unity and allowing such a process to unfold without continuing to penalise Somaliland?

The clearest testimony by an African official came from South African Foreign Affairs Minister Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma by admitting publicly “It is undeniable that Somaliland does indeed qualify for statehood, and it is incumbent upon the international community to recognize it,” ( a report commissioned by SA Foreign Ministry).

In her article, Painful push for recognition, published in South African Business Day, Dianna Games, Director or Africa@Work, a company focusing on African issues, said “So is the fact it has held two successful elections a record many recognized governments in Africa cannot claim. Its nationhood is a grassroots initiative kept on track by a determination to succeed.

“Somaliland’s lack of international recognition leaves it bound to Somalia, the lawless country to its south of which it is officially still a part despite Somaliland’s 12 years of self-declared independence.”

The list of testimonies for Somaliland’s legitimacy for statehood is endless, while titles of such stories speak volumes of the political observers’ admiration for Somaliland’s achievements. “Federalism not a kiss of death for Africa” by Kornegay, World Ignores Somaliland’s Campaign for Independence, Raymond Thibodeaux, “In Africa What It Takes to Be a Country”, Jeffry Herts, “Somaliland has a case for Independence”, Mail and Guardian South Africa, “Somaliland- the little country that Could”, Shannon Field, “Somaliland Success, Africa’s Big Secret” by Iqbal Jhazbhay and others.

Thus the final cry from Somaliland’s Foreign Minister Edna Adan Ismail “We have shown that we can be democratic and that we can respect human rights. We are setting an example for the rest of Africa. Where is our peace dividend?” she said talking to Raymond Thibodeaux of the journal-Constitution 02Oct 2003.

Somaliland today has two universities, a vibrant and maturing free press and a thriving business despite the Arab ban on its livestock exports, the country’s economic backbone.

This is the stark truth of Somaliland, a country that has built all constitutional institutions, has fulfilled all democratic legalities to the letter and instilled the culture of peace and stability. It is such achievements of Somaliland that Southerner intellectuals like Abdulqawi try to hide by lumping it with Italian Somalia with its culture of chaos and warlordism. As a Somalilander who is proud of his people’s achievements, I advise Abdulqawi that when writing next time about Somalia he should not try to insult the intelligence of the international community by masquerading successful Somaliland as failed Somalia.

Bashir Goth
e-mail: bsogoth@yahoo.com

SIRAG ARCHIVE